Ce travail tente d’analyser de quelle manière la communauté politique cherche en vain l’unité et l’entente, quelle représentation le cinéma en général et celui de Chris Marker en particulier donnent à cette recherche, ainsi qu’aux rapports entre les différents acteurs de cette communauté (Etat, société civile), au fonctionnement de celle-ci, aux événements qui la traversent (révoltes, révolutions, guerres). Il étudie aussi comment l’utopie, désir de fonder des communautés plus justes, se trouve au coeur du destin de l’humanité, à tel point que les pouvoirs, les idéologies et les totalitarismes ont toujours su manipuler cette aspiration, en utilisant, par exemple, le cinéma pour rendre compte d‘une union, en apparence réalisée, de la communauté politique. Cette thèse examine encore la place de l’individu et les différentes formes de regroupement social se trouvant, selon les cas, à l’intérieur ou en dehors de la communauté politique. Elle rend compte enfin de l’originalité d’une oeuvre exceptionnelle d’un point de vue politique, celle du cinéaste Chris Marker. / This work tries to analyse how the political community searches in vain for unity and harmony ; how cinema in general, and that of Chris Marker in particular, portrays this search, as well as the relationships between different actors of this community (state, civil society), its workings, and the events which run through it (uprisings, revolutions and wars). It also considers how utopia - the wish to create fairer communities - is at the heart of mankind’s destiny, so much so that authorities, ideologies and totalitarianisms have always been able to manipulate this aspiration, for instance by using cinema to show a seemingly accomplished union of the political community. Then, this thesis examines the place of the individual and the different types of social gathering being, depending on circumstances, within or outside of the political community. It finally shows the originality of a politically exceptional work, that of the filmmaker Chris Marker.

[pt] A Guerra da Bósnia (1992-1995) foi finalizada com os Acordos de Dayton, que garantiram 49 porcento dos territórios aos sérvio- bósnios e 51 porcento aos bósnios muçulmanos e croata-bósnios. O pacto previa a construção de um Estado multiétnico, que garantisse a convivência pacífica após a carnificina que marcou a beligerância entre os três grupos. Apesar de garantir o fim de um dos mais sangrentos conflitos europeus desde o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, o acordo de paz parece não ter solucionado de fato os problemas que levaram os três grupos étnicos a entrar em conflito durante o processo de desintegração da Iugoslávia. Ou seja, o tratado deu fim à guerra, mas manteve um estado latente de beligerância entre as partes. Dentro de uma perspectiva de modelos de resolução de conflitos que critica uma abordagem tradicional e utilitária dos acordos firmados em Dayton, este trabalho analisa os acertos e equívocos dos primeiros sete anos de implementação do plano de paz, questionando a transferência da guerra para a arena política e, principalmente, a necessidade de manutenção da intermediação internacional para a convivência pacífica entre as comunidades formadoras da Bósnia pós-guerra. Para o desenvolvimento do trabalho, são questionados os tradicionais modelos de resolução de conflitos assim como a rigidez da solução estatal, de modo a apresentar outras saídas para a aproximação das partes que guerrearam e a possibilidade de uma nova comunidade política. / [en] The war in Bosnia (1992-1995) was finished with the Dayton Agreements that gave 49 percent of the territories to the Bosnian Serbs and 51 percent to the Bosniacs and Croatian Serbs. The pact previewed the creation of a multi-ethnic State that assured a peaceful living after the bloodshed that marked the conflict among the three groups. Despite the accomplishment of ending one of the most bloody European conflicts since the end of the Second World War, the peace agreement seems not to have really solved the problems that made the three ethnic groups confront themselves during the Yugoslavian disintegration process. It means that the accord ended the war, but kept a latent warring atmosphere among the parties. In a perspective of conflict resolutions models that criticizes a traditional and utilitarian approach of the agreements signed at Dayton, this work analyzes the rights and wrongs of the first seven years of the implementation process, questioning the transference of the war to the political arena and, specially, the prolonged international interference to keep the peaceful ambiance among the communities that forms the post-war Bosnia. For the development of this work, the traditional models of conflict resolution as well as the rigid State response are questioned, with the aim to present other outcomes to put the warring parties together, with the possibility of a new political community.

回顧過去半世紀以來，我國在各方面突飛猛進，一方面順應劇烈的環境變遷，以因應全球化的浪潮，另一方面在國人勤奮的耕耘下，無論是經濟或社會層面，都能在穩健中提升國家競爭力、促進社會的進步與經濟成長。在社會、經濟大幅發展的過程中，探究成長的因素，政治環境的穩定與多元蓬勃的教育，功不可歿。選擇臺灣地區政治、經濟發展較為充分的北高兩直轄市，以學童經由生活背景、教育環境、社會機構的階段學習，了解臺灣地區兩大城市的未來主人翁，在政治社會的學習成效，期能獲知學童在政治定向上的思維，提供政治社會化教育、穩定政治社會，貢獻微薄成果。 本研究透過調查問卷的分析、學童與教師訪談的驗證與補充，探討經由家庭、學校、同儕團體、傳播媒體等不同的社會化機制，在累積、認同、模仿、轉移、類化、認知發展等不同的學習模式下，形成直轄市學童不同的政治社會化學習成效；包含對政治的看法、政治知識、對政府的認知、國名選擇、政治信任感、政黨偏好與政治興趣等政治定向。 經由不同的個人背景，在性別上，對於政府執行政策，女生比較男生不具政治信任感，而父母親職業對於學童的政治知識程度具有顯著性的影響，父親的職業愈是如醫師、律師、建築師、會計師等專業人員，學童的政治知識學習成效就愈高；父母親的教育程度亦與學童的政治知識學習成效成顯著性的正相關；雖然多數學童對政治持負面的看法，惟居住臺北市的學童，對政治持負面看法的比例高於高雄市，具有顯著的差異。 南北兩直轄市的學童家庭，具有權威型的家庭決策權與民主型的管教權；多數家庭屬中政治化程度，家庭的政治化程度與學童的政黨偏好以及政治行為傾向呈顯著正相關，家庭的政治化程度愈高，學童的政黨偏好程度愈高，且愈呈現政治興趣上的中、高政治行為傾向。另學童父母親的政黨傾向，對於學童政治態度上的政黨偏好與政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，亦具有顯著性的影響，父母親的政黨偏好「泛藍」，學童的政黨偏好亦傾向「泛藍」。 在學校的社會化機制方面，學校的民主氛圍與學童的政治知識程度，成顯著性的正相關，與學童對政府的認知，則呈現顯著性的負相關；學校教師多屬民主型的領導風格，惟學童對於政治多數不具信任感。學童同儕之間的互動較少，同儕互動與國名選擇，不具關聯性；不同的同儕互動，對於學童對政治的看法、政黨偏好與政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，則具有顯著性的影響。就大眾傳播的電視媒體而言，雖然電視的新聞時事節目，不是大多數受訪學童的最愛，但收視電視媒體之經常度，卻與政治知識程度成顯著性正相關，而平常愛看「新聞時事」的學童，多數政黨傾向偏好「泛藍」，愈高的接觸「電視時事」節目程度，學童在政治興趣上，具有中/高政治行為傾向愈高。 學童在政治社會化學習成效的政治定向相互之間，雖然學童的政治知識對於學童政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，不具相關性，而學童對政府的認知與政治信任感，則具有顯著性的相關；另政治的信任感與對政治的看法，以及政治興趣上的政治行為傾向，亦具有顯著性的相關；大多數屬於偏低信任感的學童，對於政治的聯想亦多數持負面看法；對於政府官員執行政務高度信任的學童，佔有較高比例的「中/高政治行為傾向」。 環境與人是息息相關的，在人類追求美好生活的福祉下，優質穩定的政治生態，為孕育學習與成長的搖籃，探討學童政治社會化的學習成效，不僅有助於學童將來的適應環境社會，且能使其學習成效反饋於政治系統，因此探討直轄市學童政治社會化的學習成效，深具實用性。

1973年西德聯邦憲法法院作出東、西德基礎條約判決指陳 ”基礎條約的特殊性在於，它雖是一項適用國際法規則、並且具有國際法條約效力的兩國間之雙邊條約，然而這兩個國家卻是一個始終尚存、又保有同一民族的整體德國之兩部份”。西德以「基本法（Das Grundgesetz für die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, GG）」治國，在政治自由與經濟成長的輝煌成果，對社會主義東德產生催枯拉朽的體系瓦解，並導致兩個德國在1990年10月3日正式復歸「統一」。 國族認同在德國既因為納粹時代的誤用而被視為一種罪惡及禁忌，二次戰後的德國人，既不能像其他國族國家的人民一般以土地作為政治共同體認同的對象，也不能繼續以國族為認同的對象，乃發展出以體制為認同的對象。統一後德國經濟的表現與落差，不如原先之預測與期待，隨之而來的是，認同自己是「德東人」的前東德人卻越來越多。1990年統一之初，有六成一的東德人回答自己是「德國人」，到了2000年時，認同自己是「東德人」的竟高達七成七。以歷史的角度來看，所謂的日耳曼民族「統一」，在漫長的歷史長河裏，是否竟成短暫一瞬？國族認同其實是不斷「轉變」、需要被「建構」？ 德東人的國族認同似乎印證此一說法。 / The decision of the Federal Constitutional Court in the Basic Treaty of 1973 stated “ The specialty of the treaty is that it applies to, as well as effects, a bilateral international treaty between two states which are existing for long and keep the same nation in the two divisions of the entire Germany as a whole.” The significant political freedoms and economic prosperity that West Germany established under the Grundgesetz (Basic Law), which across the border many of East Germany’s citizens looked to, eventually led to the collapse of socialist and the consequent official unification of two German states into one again on 3rd October 1990. Due to the Nazis’ distortion of national identity, as well as the changing border in historical Germany, an ideology of identity in political communities has appeared on “systems” for the postwar German, rather than on “nations” or “lands” as for people in other nation state. Alongside the social unequal and decline derived from the disappointing economic performance after unification, more and more pre East German now declare themselves “East German”. In 1990, 61% of pre East German recognized “German”, while in 2000 77% of those recognized “East German”. From the historical point of view, the so called “Germanic unification” ultimate becomes a short memory in the long history? National identity actually transforms and needs to be continuously constructed? The terms of pre East German seem in support of this indication.

Résumé Cette thèse examine l’impact de l’octroi de titres miniers sur les dynamiques politiques ayant cours dans des territoires affectés par le conflit armé colombien. Du point de vue théorique, elle reprend les questions classiques que la philosophie politique formule au sujet du rapport entre normes et communauté politique, c.-à-d., autour du rapport dialectique entre politique et droit. Elle les reformule cependant au regard des transformations induites par la globalisation: la multiplication et la superposition de différents régimes normatifs, qui remettent en cause la cohérence de la sphère normative et, par le fait même, le rapport assumé entre droit, démocratie et souveraineté. M’appuyant sur les réflexions de chercheurs de l’École de Bruxelles de philosophie du droit, je propose le modèle « d’écosystème normatif » pour analyser les rapports qui s'établissent entre des régimes normatifs a priori incommensurables, allant du droit aux stratégies contre-insurrectionnelles, de la Responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE) à la morale; et des relations contractuelles à la violence politique. Sur la base d’études de cas menées dans deux régions de la province d’Antioquia, cette thèse démontre que l’octroi de titres miniers favorise des configurations particulières de l’écosystème normatif. En d'autres mots, l’octroi de titres miniers induit une certaine stabilisation des relations entre droit public, RSE, contractualité et gouvernementalité, que j'appelle « écosystème normatif minier ». Ma thèse conclut que l’écosystème normatif minier colombien est peu propice à l'articulation de communautés politiques et empêche la conduite délibérée et rationnelle des affaires publiques ainsi que l'organisation démocratique du territoire. L’écosystème normatif minier favorise au contraire des rapports sociaux utilitaires, la corruption, le clientélisme et la violence politique. Cette recherche démontre en outre que les « solutions » normatives mises de l’avant pour traiter les conflits suscités par l’activité minières remettent parfois en cause certaines catégories fondamentales de la pensée politique et juridique moderne. En Colombie, une politique d’institutionnalisation de la RSE, menée conjointement par l’État et les titulaires miniers, induit ainsi des changements profonds dans les rapports entre communautés, entreprises et gouvernements. Ma thèse clarifie ainsi certains des défis que la société colombienne doit surmonter, étant donné les nombreux titres miniers octroyés sur une grande proportion de son territoire, pour mener à bien le processus de paix initié en 2016.   Summary This thesis examines the impact of granting mining titles on political dynamics in the territories affected by the Colombian armed conflict. From a theoretical point of view, it takes up the classic political philosophy interrogations about the relationship between norms and political community, i.e., the dialectical relationship between politics and law. Those questions are updated by taking into account the transformations induced by globalization: indeed, the multiplication and superimposition of different normative regimes undermines the coherence of the normative sphere and, by the same token, the assumed relationship between law, democracy and sovereignty. Based on the reflections of researchers at the Brussels School of Philosophy of Law, I propose the notion of “normative ecosystem” to analyze the relationships that are established between presumably incommensurable normative regimes, from law to the counter-insurgency strategies, from Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) to morality; and from contractual relations to political violence. Based on case studies conducted in two regions of the province of Antioquia, this thesis demonstrates that the granting of mining titles favors particular configurations of the normative ecosystem. In other words, the granting of mining titles induces a certain stabilization of the relations between law, CSR, contractuality and governmentality, which I call the “mining normative ecosystem”. My thesis concludes that the Colombian mining normative ecosystem is not conducive to the articulation of political communities and prevents the deliberate and rational conduct of public affairs as well as the democratic organization of the territory. On the contrary, the mining normative ecosystem favors utilitarian social relations, corruption, clientelism and political violence. This research also shows that the normative “solutions” put forward to deal with conflicts in the mining sector call into question certain fundamental categories of modern political and legal thought. In Colombia, a policy of institutionalization of CSR conducted jointly by the State and mining title holders induces profound changes in the relationships between communities, companies and governments. My thesis thus clarifies some of the challenges that Colombian society must overcome, given the numerous mining titles granted over a large part of its territory, to successfully carry out the peace process initiated in 2016.

Dentro do campo da Arqueologia Social a questão do surgimento das primeiras comunidades políticas é um tema central de inquérito. Consagradamente, as ciências sociais assumem que as bases últimas destes processos formativos são, em alguma medida, irresgatáveis, empregando construções ideais e teóricas na formulação, construção de explanações sociológicas e culturais para este fenômeno. Tais explanações muitas vezes tem dificuldades em identificar realidades materiais nas fases ideais que correspondam as fases presumidas em suas formulações metodológicas de mudança social, materialidades estas que são o foco central da disciplina arqueológica. Nosso trabalho se propõe a tentar um estudo crítico de dois contextos materiais fundamentalmente ligados à formação das comunidades políticas no espaço do Mediterrâneo grego, aqueles das póleis de Corinto e Siracusa durante a transição inicial do Período Arcaico. Manteremos como hipótese de trabalho que estas cidades são neste recorte cronológico momentos chave e situações diagnóstico dos processos de formação da Pólis e das fundações da experiência política, procurando ligações entre a interpretação de estruturas construídas e as soluções explanativas propostas pela teoria arqueológica e social, abordando o tema dos surgimento da comunidade política, da cidade e do estado como realidades interligadas. / Within the field of Social Archaeology, the matter of the emergence of the first political communities is a central theme of inquiry. Regarding this problem the Social Sciences have well estabilished that, at in least in some regard, the fundamental bases of such formative processes are fundamentally irretrievable, opting instead to formulate ideal and theoretical constructions as basis on to formulate sociological and cultural explanations for those phenomena. Such explanations often find difficulties in corresponding direct material realities to such theoretically based ideal phases of social change, indeed even while such material realities are the centerpiece of the Archaeological Discipline. Our present work proposes to attempt a critical study of two such material contexts fundamentaly connected to the development of the polítical communities in the Mediterranean Greek area, those of the Poleis of Corinth and Syracuse during the beginnings of the Archaic Period. We mantain as research hypothesis that such contexts are, in this chronology, key moments and syntomatic examples of the formative processes of the Polis and the beginnings of the Political Community, searching for connections between the interpretation of constructed structures and spaces and the explanative solutions proposed by Archaeological and Social Theory, engaging the theme of the formations of the Political Community, the City and the State as interlinked realities.

It is well established that rural regional Australians have borne the brunt of globalization in terms of the adverse impacts caused by social and economic restructuring resulting from global, national and local forces. In response governments and communities have embraced sustainability and civil society for promoting local community action and responsibility for social, economic and environmental issues. This research focuses on community narratives about the social change processes as they engage the forces of neo-liberal policies. Applying a qualitative, grounded theoretical approach to data collection and analysis this study also adopts a multi-perspective, multi-disciplinary framework to gain more holistic, contextual understandings of community functioning and change. In echoing the principles of community psychology, the foundational, multidisciplinary concepts of sense of community, social capital, civil society, empowerment and conscientization have informed understandings of this communitys process and outcome towards transformational change. This study offers a critical reflection of transformational change in an effort to promote more peaceful, collaborate relationships between dominant and oppressed groups in expanding our understandings and solutions for community change. Identified by Newbrough (1992, 1995) as the Third Force Position, the ideals of political community are visibly expressed as they attempt to pursue transformational change towards a just and sustainable future for the community. However, while civil society has made a positive contribution, also apparent are the processes and outcomes which affect those most vulnerable. Those most powerless continue to suffer from exclusion, marginalization and as a result are denied access to vital resources to meet their needs.

This dissertation re-examines a set of long-standing problems that arise from Aristotle’s defense of kingship in the Politics. Scholars have argued for over a century that Aristotle’s endorsement of sole rule by an individual of outstanding excellence is incompatible with his theory of distributive justice and his very conception of a political community. Previous attempts to resolve this apparent contradiction have failed to ease the deeper tensions between the idea of the polis as a community of free and equal citizens sharing in ruling and being ruled and the vision of absolute kingship in which one man rules over others who are merely ruled. I argue that the so-called “paradox of monarchy” emerges from misconceptions and insufficiently nuanced interpretations of kingship itself and of the more fundamental concepts of community, rule, authority, and citizenship. Properly understood, Aristotelian kingship is not a form of government that concentrates power in the hands of a single individual, but an arrangement in which free citizens willingly invest that individual with a position of supreme authority without themselves ceasing to share in rule. Rather than a muddled appendage tacked on to the Politics out of deference to Macedon or an uncritical adoption of Platonic utopianism, Aristotle’s defense of kingship is a piece of ideal theory that serves in part to undermine the pretensions of actual or would-be monarchs, whether warrior- or philosopher-kings. / text

如何從大量的資料中擷取隱匿或不容易直接觀察的資訊，是重要的議題，社會網路提供了一個適當的系統描述模型與內部檢視分析的方法，過去社會網路分析多著重於靜態的分析，無法解釋發生在網路上的動態行為；我們的研究目的是從動態社會網路分析的角度，觀察政治權力的變化，將資料依時間切分成多個資料集，在各個資料集中，利用官員共同異動職務及共事資料建構網路，並使用EdgeBetweenness分群方法將網路做分群，以找出潛在的政治群組，接著再採用事件導向的方法(Event-based Framework)，比較連續兩個時間區間的網路分群結果，以觀察政治群體的動態發展，找出政治群組事件，並將其匯集成政治群組指標，以用來衡量政治群組的變動性及穩定性。我們提供了一個觀察政治權力變化的模型，透過網路建立、網路分群到觀察網路動態行為，找到不容易直接取得的資訊，我們也以此觀察模型解決以下問題：(1)觀察部門之接班梯隊之變化，(2)觀察特定核心人物之核心成員組成模式，(3)部門專業才能單一性或多元性之觀察。實驗結果顯示，利用政治群組事件設計的政治群組指標，可實際反應政府部門選用人才的傾向為內部調任或外部選用。 / Extracting implicit information from a considerable amount of data is an important intelligent data processing task. Social network analysis is appropriate for this purpose due to its emphasis on the relationship between nodes and the structure of networked interactions. Most research in the past has focused on a static point of view. It can't account for whatever action is taking place in the network. Our research objective is to observe the evolution of political power by dynamic social network analysis. We begin by creating static graphs at different time according to the synchronous job change between the government officials or the relationship between the government officials whom work in the same government agency. We obtain political communities from each of these snapshot graphs using edge betweenness clustering method. Next we define a set of evolutionary events of political communities using event-based framework. We compare two consecutive snapshots to capture the evolutionary events of political communities. We also develop two evolutionary political community metrics to measure the stability of political communities. We propose a model of observing the evolution of political power by three steps－network construction, community identification and community evolution tracking. The approach is shown to be effectual for the purposes of: (1) finding succession pool members in government agencies, (2) observing the inner circle of a leading political figure, (3) measuring the specialized degree of government agencies. Experiments also show that our community evolution metrics reflect the tendency of whether a government agency conducts internal succession or outside appointment.

Dentro do campo da Arqueologia Social a questão do surgimento das primeiras comunidades políticas é um tema central de inquérito. Consagradamente, as ciências sociais assumem que as bases últimas destes processos formativos são, em alguma medida, irresgatáveis, empregando construções ideais e teóricas na formulação, construção de explanações sociológicas e culturais para este fenômeno. Tais explanações muitas vezes tem dificuldades em identificar realidades materiais nas fases ideais que correspondam as fases presumidas em suas formulações metodológicas de mudança social, materialidades estas que são o foco central da disciplina arqueológica. Nosso trabalho se propõe a tentar um estudo crítico de dois contextos materiais fundamentalmente ligados à formação das comunidades políticas no espaço do Mediterrâneo grego, aqueles das póleis de Corinto e Siracusa durante a transição inicial do Período Arcaico. Manteremos como hipótese de trabalho que estas cidades são neste recorte cronológico momentos chave e situações diagnóstico dos processos de formação da Pólis e das fundações da experiência política, procurando ligações entre a interpretação de estruturas construídas e as soluções explanativas propostas pela teoria arqueológica e social, abordando o tema dos surgimento da comunidade política, da cidade e do estado como realidades interligadas. / Within the field of Social Archaeology, the matter of the emergence of the first political communities is a central theme of inquiry. Regarding this problem the Social Sciences have well estabilished that, at in least in some regard, the fundamental bases of such formative processes are fundamentally irretrievable, opting instead to formulate ideal and theoretical constructions as basis on to formulate sociological and cultural explanations for those phenomena. Such explanations often find difficulties in corresponding direct material realities to such theoretically based ideal phases of social change, indeed even while such material realities are the centerpiece of the Archaeological Discipline. Our present work proposes to attempt a critical study of two such material contexts fundamentaly connected to the development of the polítical communities in the Mediterranean Greek area, those of the Poleis of Corinth and Syracuse during the beginnings of the Archaic Period. We mantain as research hypothesis that such contexts are, in this chronology, key moments and syntomatic examples of the formative processes of the Polis and the beginnings of the Political Community, searching for connections between the interpretation of constructed structures and spaces and the explanative solutions proposed by Archaeological and Social Theory, engaging the theme of the formations of the Political Community, the City and the State as interlinked realities.