This thesis develops a legal theory reflecting the insights of feminism and environmental philosophy. I argue that human beings are not ontologically separate, but embedded in webs of relationality with natural others. My primary purposes are to 1) delineate ways in which institutions of modernity (such as law and science) have precipitated ecosocial crisis through the attempt to dialectically enforce mastery and control over nature and women; and 2) explore alternate political forms and ontologies which challenge the classical liberalist view of the (human) individual as a radically isolated, discrete, autonomous being. My overarching theme is that law functions as a narrative that can both hinder and enhance the promotion of ecological ideas, and how ecofeminism can contribute to transformative projects of environmental philosophy and feminist law.

How do reflexive political forms within organizations and the design of innovation processes co-evolve? This paper focuses on emerging reflexive forms of power and authority, considered as regimes beyond pure domination (Clegg et al. 2006: 330 f.). We assume that preserving freedom and initiative of individuals, while not undermining the power of organizational top elites, is particularly essential for business success of organisations operating in high-tech, innovative sectors. Up to now, however, neither the development of related political forms within organisations, nor their intertwinements with innovation processes have been very well understood. Therefore this paper studies the linkages between innovation processes and reflexive political forms of organizations. More specifically, the paper aims to explore in detail the contested, antagonistic and paradoxical processes an organisation must undertake in designing a reflexive political form, a “political hybrid” (Clegg et al. 2006: 333), conducive to innovation capabilities and innovation processes in high-tech companies. Theoretical reasoning is underlined by first insights from a longitudinal case study, being part of a comparative case study program, focusing on the co-evolution of political forms and innovation process design in a SME in southern Germany. The paper contributes to the debate on power and innovation in several respects. First, we will propose a dynamic approach to exploring change and development of political forms within organisations. Most of the literature concerned with different political forms and political regimes within organisations is still centred on static typologies and its comparison (Clegg et al. 2006: 332). Second, we will examine the often neglected, contradictory processes shaping hybrid political forms in organisations. Third, we will conceptually and empirically explore linkages between innovation processes and emerging political hybrids within organizations. This study is, to the best of our knowledge, a research desideratum both in the literature on power and the literature on innovation processes (e.g. Hage and Meeus 2006; Poole and Van De Ven 2004; Vigoda-Gadot and Drory 2006; Clegg et al. 2006).

How do reflexive political forms within organizations and the design of innovation processes co-evolve? This paper focuses on emerging reflexive forms of power and authority, considered as regimes beyond pure domination (Clegg et al. 2006: 330 f.). We assume that preserving freedom and initiative of individuals, while not undermining the power of organizational top elites, is particularly essential for business success of organisations operating in high-tech, innovative sectors. Up to now, however, neither the development of related political forms within organisations, nor their intertwinements with innovation processes have been very well understood. Therefore this paper studies the linkages between innovation processes and reflexive political forms of organizations. More specifically, the paper aims to explore in detail the contested, antagonistic and paradoxical processes an organisation must undertake in designing a reflexive political form, a “political hybrid” (Clegg et al. 2006: 333), conducive to innovation capabilities and innovation processes in high-tech companies. Theoretical reasoning is underlined by first insights from a longitudinal case study, being part of a comparative case study program, focusing on the co-evolution of political forms and innovation process design in a SME in southern Germany. The paper contributes to the debate on power and innovation in several respects. First, we will propose a dynamic approach to exploring change and development of political forms within organisations. Most of the literature concerned with different political forms and political regimes within organisations is still centred on static typologies and its comparison (Clegg et al. 2006: 332). Second, we will examine the often neglected, contradictory processes shaping hybrid political forms in organisations. Third, we will conceptually and empirically explore linkages between innovation processes and emerging political hybrids within organizations. This study is, to the best of our knowledge, a research desideratum both in the literature on power and the literature on innovation processes (e.g. Hage and Meeus 2006; Poole and Van De Ven 2004; Vigoda-Gadot and Drory 2006; Clegg et al. 2006).

Este trabalho pretende discutir como as relações com a alteridade operam politicamente entre os Guarani Mbya; de que maneira os seus movimentos, como a esquiva, conformam modos políticos de conduzir a incorporação do exterior, transformando posições e relações de poder. Tomado primeiramente a partir da dança do xondaro, personagem que remete a diferentes funções e a uma forma de relação, o movimento da esquiva irá além para ajudar a pensar as dinâmicas entre corpos, coletivos e mundos, contribuindo para suspender oposições exclusivas entre resistência e fuga. A esquiva (jeavy uka fazer errar) surge como um movimento nem exclusivamente positivo, nem negativo. Em termos políticos: não submete e tampouco deixa se submeter. A análise aborda também a prática da enganação conforme ela aparece em narrativas mitológicas guarani, cuja operação revela um mecanismo de crítica política na mitologia. Ao final, após revisitarmos oprocesso histórico da resistência guarani, chegamos ao contexto contemporâneoda luta indígena pelas demarcações, na qual desdobram-se atualizações de figuras-chaves da política ameríndia, como o xamã e o guerreiro. Assim, seja no passadoou no presente, busco demonstrar como a esquiva guarani é um movimentocapaz de produzir, de forma concomitante, possibilidades de resistência opostas einterdependentes. / This work intends to discuss how the relations with the alterity operate politically among the Guarani Mbya; in which manners their movements, such as the dodge, conform political ways to conduct the incorporation of the exterior, transforming power positions and relations. Taking into account, primarily, the dance of the xondaro, a figure that alludes to different functions and to a form of relation, the movement of the dodge goes beyond to help reflect about the dynamics of bodies, collectives and worlds, contributing to a suspension of exclusive oppositions between resistance and escape. The dodge (jeavy uka make mistake) appears as a movement, not exclusively positive, nor negative. In political terms: it does not submit nor submits oneself. The analysis addresses as well the practice of deceit, according to how it appears in the mythological guarani narratives, whose operation in the mythology reveals a mechanism of political critique. At the end, after revisiting the historical process of resistance of the guarani, one reaches to a contemporary context of indigenous struggle for land demarcation, in which are unfolded updates of key figures of the Amerindian politics, such as the xamã and the warrior. Thus, be it in the past or the present, the work here presented seeks to demonstrate how the guarani dodge is a movement capable of generate, in a concomitant manner, opposed and interdependent possibilities of resistance.

Este trabalho pretende discutir como as relações com a alteridade operam politicamente entre os Guarani Mbya; de que maneira os seus movimentos, como a esquiva, conformam modos políticos de conduzir a incorporação do exterior, transformando posições e relações de poder. Tomado primeiramente a partir da dança do xondaro, personagem que remete a diferentes funções e a uma forma de relação, o movimento da esquiva irá além para ajudar a pensar as dinâmicas entre corpos, coletivos e mundos, contribuindo para suspender oposições exclusivas entre resistência e fuga. A esquiva (jeavy uka fazer errar) surge como um movimento nem exclusivamente positivo, nem negativo. Em termos políticos: não submete e tampouco deixa se submeter. A análise aborda também a prática da enganação conforme ela aparece em narrativas mitológicas guarani, cuja operação revela um mecanismo de crítica política na mitologia. Ao final, após revisitarmos oprocesso histórico da resistência guarani, chegamos ao contexto contemporâneoda luta indígena pelas demarcações, na qual desdobram-se atualizações de figuras-chaves da política ameríndia, como o xamã e o guerreiro. Assim, seja no passadoou no presente, busco demonstrar como a esquiva guarani é um movimentocapaz de produzir, de forma concomitante, possibilidades de resistência opostas einterdependentes. / This work intends to discuss how the relations with the alterity operate politically among the Guarani Mbya; in which manners their movements, such as the dodge, conform political ways to conduct the incorporation of the exterior, transforming power positions and relations. Taking into account, primarily, the dance of the xondaro, a figure that alludes to different functions and to a form of relation, the movement of the dodge goes beyond to help reflect about the dynamics of bodies, collectives and worlds, contributing to a suspension of exclusive oppositions between resistance and escape. The dodge (jeavy uka make mistake) appears as a movement, not exclusively positive, nor negative. In political terms: it does not submit nor submits oneself. The analysis addresses as well the practice of deceit, according to how it appears in the mythological guarani narratives, whose operation in the mythology reveals a mechanism of political critique. At the end, after revisiting the historical process of resistance of the guarani, one reaches to a contemporary context of indigenous struggle for land demarcation, in which are unfolded updates of key figures of the Amerindian politics, such as the xamã and the warrior. Thus, be it in the past or the present, the work here presented seeks to demonstrate how the guarani dodge is a movement capable of generate, in a concomitant manner, opposed and interdependent possibilities of resistance.

O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.