Orientador: Andréia Galvão / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-17T20:36:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Spinelli_LucasGebara_M.pdf: 1034854 bytes, checksum: c1328a827c1a59dc47733b2c8d729043 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Esse estudo pretende abordar o surgimento da autonomia como eixo do discurso e da prática zapatista. Desde o levante armado de 1º de janeiro de 1994, em que tomou sete prefeituras do estado de Chiapas, sul do México, o Exército Zapatista de Libertação Nacional passou por constantes reformulações de sua estratégia, de forma a possibilitar a sua sobrevivência e a autonomia do movimento diante do Estado. Considerado um exército popular e apoiado por uma ampla base social não-militarizada, o EZLN sustenta até os dias de hoje um discurso de autonomia total contra todas as formas de exercício do poder e regulação social advindas do Estado. Nessa perspectiva buscamos analizar as origens dessa autonomia radical, que não apenas busca criar dentro das comunidades zapatistas e no EZLN, instâncias políticas de decisão independentes do Estado, mas que, vinculadas à tomada dos meios de produção e à reapropriação do trabalho produtivo em nível local e regional, adquirem o aspecto da auto-gestão produtiva, necessária à liberação material de militantes nos rumos de uma estratégia política que visa recriar relações sociais / Abstract: This work tries to make an aproach on the zapatistas's practical and discursive axis of autonomy. Since the armed uprising on the first january of 1994, when the it has assaulted into seven municipal townhouses of Chiapas, south Mexico, the Zapatista National Liberation Army has undergone constant reformulation of its strategy, to enable its survival and the autonomy of movement before the State. Considered a popular army and backed by a broad base of social non-militarized, the EZLN maintains to this day a speech of total autonomy against all forms of exercise of power and social regulation stemming from the State. From this perspective we analyse the origins of this radical autonomy, which not only create search within Zapatista communities and the EZLN, political bodies, independent decision of the State, but which, linked to the means of production and the reowning of productive work in local and regional level, acquire the appearance of auto-productive management needed to release material from militants in the direction of a political strategy that aims to rebuild social relationships / Mestrado / Trabalho, Movimentos Sociais, Cultura e Politica / Mestre em Ciência Política

As mudanças climáticas são uma das fronteiras planetárias que garantem o funcionamento seguro do sistema terrestre. O atual modelo de desenvolvimento, baseado principalmente no alto padrão de consumo, é incompatível com a manutenção das fronteiras planetárias. Uma dessas fronteiras, a das mudanças climáticas, já foi ultrapassada e é uma das dimensões da crise civilizacional que vivemos nos tempos atuais, crise esta que caracteriza a transição para uma zona de risco de colapso ambiental sistêmico. Ao mesmo tempo em que o conhecimento científico deste complexo problema evolui rapidamente e as consequências se agravam, essas ameaças não são percebidas como reais e imediatas pela população em geral, o que inibe a ação necessária, a de uma revisão das bases do nosso modo de vida. Em última instância, são os Estados que adotam medidas para regular a ação humana e proteger o sistema terrestre. Tais ações vêm sendo negociadas no nível internacional há mais de vinte anos, em um processo multilateral sob os auspícios das Nações Unidas. O problema é que este processo está caracterizado por um impasse que tem como protagonistas os maiores emissores de gases de efeito estufa e as maiores economias mundiais, Estados Unidos e China. Desde o início do século XXI notam-se duas alterações que foram definitivas para desenhar o escopo deste trabalho e que são a sua grande contribuição: uma mudança na distribuição territorial das emissões de GEE e uma mudança na distribuição de poder no sistema internacional, que giram em torno das duas grandes potências mundiais. Essas duas bases, uma geográfica e outra política, nos permitem analisar a formação da nova geografia política das mudanças climáticas, a partir de um diálogo entre as referências teóricas da Geografia Política e das Relações Internacionais. A nova geografia política das mudanças climáticas está sendo definida pelas posições assumidas por EUA e China neste processo multilateral que caracteriza a ordem ambiental internacional das mudanças climáticas. Dessa forma, este trabalho analisa as posições dos dois países no período de 2005 a 2012, de forma a identificar os interesses defendidos por eles que estão refletidos nos documentos finais das rodadas internacionais de negociações da Convenção do Clima. Ainda em construção, esta nova geografia política será conformada pelo possível novo acordo climático a ser adotado até 2020, que está condicionado pela aparente oposição entre os interesses defendidos por EUA e China e que dificilmente terá os resultados esperados. Essa oposição tem gerado uma cooperação conveniente para os dois países, que exercem as suas soberanias e salvaguardam a defesa dos seus interesses nacionais na ordem ambiental internacional das mudanças climáticas, postura que resulta na paralisia das negociações. Este estudo espera contribuir para o entendimento desta situação, que adia perigosamente as decisões urgentes para tratar de um problema que traz uma complexidade que agrava e é agravada pelas dificuldades desse processo multilateral. / Climate change is one of the planetary boundaries that guarantee the safe operation of the earth system. The current development model, based mainly on the high consumption standards, is incompatible with the conservation of the planetary boundaries. The climate change boundary has already been surpassed and it is one of the dimensions of the civilizational crisis that we live in modern times. This crisis characterizes the transition to a risk of systemic environmental collapse zone. At the same time that the scientific knowledge about this complex problem rapidly evolves, these threats are not realized as reals and immediate by the overall population, which inhibit the necessary revision of our way of living. Ultimately, states are responsible for the adoption of measures to regulate human action and protect the earth system. These actions have been negotiated at the international level for more than twenty years, in a multilateral process under the United Nations auspices. The question is that this process is characterized by a deadlock that has the United States and China as its protagonists, being the biggest greenhouse gases emitters and the major economies worldwide. Since the beginning of the 21st century, two changes were decisive to draw the scope of this research, which are its main contribution: a change in the territorial distribution of GHG emissions and a change in the distribution of power in the international system. Both of them revolve around these two great world powers. The geographical and political basis allow us to analyze the formation of the new political geography of climate change, from a dialogue between theoretical references of Political Geography and International Relations. The new political geography of climate change is being defined by the positions assumed by the US and China in this multilateral process, which characterizes the climate change international environmental order. Thereby, this work analyzes the positions of these two countries in the period 2005-2012 to identify their interests that are reflected in the final documents of the international negotiation rounds of the Climate Change Convention. This new political geography, still under construction, will be designed by the possible new climate agreement to be adopted by 2020. This agreement is conditioned by the apparent opposition between the interests defended by the US and China, and will hardly bring the expected results. Such opposition has generated a convenient cooperation for both countries, which exercise their sovereignty and safeguard the protection of their interests at the climate change international environmental order. This position results in the paralysis of the negotiations. This research aims at contributing to the understanding of this situation, which dangerously postpones the urgent decisions to deal with a problem that brings a complexity that worsens and is worsened by the difficulties of this multilateral process.

Since the 1980s, the American federal government has devolved a wide array of crucial policy decisions - from transportation to welfare initiatives - to the state and local levels. With a decrease in federal aid and an increase in the number of tools available to lower tiers of government, scholars of American urban politics have suggested that cooperation among metropolitan jurisdictions could help address critical political and policy challenges, including inequities in municipal resources and unfettered suburban sprawl. This dissertation argues that metropolitan political segregation|that is, geographically-based political divisions - represents a serious obstacle to these partnerships and remains poorly understood. This project thus has two goals: to explain variations in metropolitan political segregation and explore their consequences for regional coalition-building. I first present a theory connecting America's unique racial geography to political segregation. I contend that racially segregated metropolitan areas with large minority population concentrations will experience more political segregation than their more homogenous peers. These political divisions will in turn hinder coalition-building surrounding critical metropolitan policies. Marshaling 1988 and 2000 precinct-level electoral data for every metropolitan area in the country, I find that racial demographics almost exclusively explain variations in political segregation, with more racially segregated, heavily black and Latino metropolitan areas exhibiting greater geographic political divisions. These rifts in turn have a potent impact on metropolitan policy outcomes. Taking advantage of an array of qualitative and quantitative data on mass transportation and affordable housing policy-making, I discover that greater political segregation constrains metropolitan coalition-building and spurs more fragmented policy outcomes. These findings have a disturbing implication: those regions with concentrated pockets of poverty - places most in need of metropolitan cooperation in the contemporary, heavily localized political climate - are the least able to forge partnerships around shared local policy goals.

The final step envisaged by present South African Government policy in respect of the black peoples of South Africa is the granting of political independence to the ten homelands which have been set aside for occupation by the various ethnic groups recognized by the. Government. This step represents the culmination of ideas that have developed regarding the separation of races since early in South Africa's history, and decisions that have been taken to implement them. Particularly since the first attempts to formulate black policy after Union in 1910, there have been protagonists of a segregationist policy, and the idea of some sort of self-government for the various races of South Africa has been evident 1n the country for many years. This idea was given greater stature in the policies of the national government after 1948, and in 1959 full political independence for the various black nations in South Africa became a political goal of the governing party. As this policy has progressed during the present decade, a number of new political areas have come into existence at various levels of the hierarchy of political areas. Intro. p. 1.

Orientador: Archimedes Perez Filho / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociencias / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-07T20:08:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_CharleiAparecidoda_D.pdf: 5595911 bytes, checksum: c33cc68a2f9dfcb4263882392ab0db71 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Doutorado / Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial / Doutor em Geografia

Orientador: Márcio Antonio Cataia / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T08:33:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Traldi_Mariana_M.pdf: 8306872 bytes, checksum: f0539783d4d01e556881bd2991c1b6c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Resumo: Desde 2004 no Brasil tem havido uma crescente expansão da instalação de parques eólicos para geração de energia elétrica. No Brasil a fonte hegemônica na produção de energia elétrica sempre foi à hídrica. Contudo, a partir da crise do Apagão de 2001, que resultou no déficit na oferta de energia no macrossistema elétrico brasileiro o Estado tem buscado aumentar a oferta de energia elétrica através da diversificação da matriz elétrica nacional. Entre as fontes que vem ganhando importância está a fonte eólica. Desta forma, apresentamos nesta dissertação um panorama dos novos usos do território que resultam da instalação dos parques eólicos nos municípios de João Câmara (RN) e Caetité (BA), localizados no semiárido brasileiro. Buscamos desmistificar afirmações que sustentam serem os parques eólicos promotores do desenvolvimento local e grandes vetores de incremento na arrecadação de tributos municipais e estaduais. Identificamos assim os nexos entre a instalação dos parques eólicos e as necessidades impostas aos lugares pelo macrossistema elétrico brasileiro / Abstract: Although, the hegemonic power in the production of electricity has always been hydroeletric, since 2004 has been an increasing expansion of the installation of wind farms for power generation. The crisis known as Blackout 2001 resulted in a deficit of energy supply in the Brazilian large technological system. As a solution the Brazilian state has decided to increase the supply of electricity through the diversification of the national energy matrix. Among the sources that is gaining importance is wind power. Thus, we present in this paper an overview of the new uses of the territory resulting from the installation of wind farms in João Câmara (RN) and Caetité (BA) located in the Brazilian semiarid region. We seek to debunk claims that support wind farms being promoters of local development and large increment vectors in the collection of state and local taxes. Thus identify the links between the installation of wind farms and the needs imposed by the Brazilian technological large system / Mestrado / Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial / Mestra em Geografia

This project focusses on the historic border region of the Himalayas as a central space for negotiations of power and identity in British South Asia. It particularly focusses on the standardization of mapping and surveying practices as socio-technological discourses through the 1840s to the 1920s that lead to the transformation of trans-Himalayan and Tibetan land into British territory that could be invaded, settled, and controlled. With a unique focus on subaltern agents moving through and past the Himalayas, this project writes a history of the transformation of the imaginary of the mountains, from a spatial feature that connected vibrant pre-colonial geographies to a natural resource object and a political border that delineated the limits of imperial territory. While previous scholarship has tended to examine the history of the Tibeto-Himalayan borderlands in the context of its importance to the British Indian, Indian, or Chinese nation-building practices, this project foregrounds the importance of trans-Himalayan connections and exchanges in examining the structural transformation of a region where historical forces simultaneously undermined the power of the British Indian state while reflecting the hegemony of its imperial project. Additionally, this project explores the tensions between the construction of “universal” discourses of empirical scientific practice in the late nineteenth and twentieth centuries, which claimed to orient the practices of geography, cartography and ethnography, and the constraints of the British imperial system predicated on the same coercive technologies to identify territory. The epistemic regime governing the production of geo-knowledge about Tibet and the Himalayas rose out of a series of contestations between the appropriation and rejection of local and indigenous knowledge, networks, and actors. Tracing a near hundred-year arc, I locate geography as a unique facet of colonial modernity that dictated imperial logics of developmentalism at the frontiers of the British empire, thereby demonstrating the birth of modern geography as mired in haphazard expeditions, rather than proceeding from well-defined scientific theory and protocols. This dissertation concentrates on three main aspects to revisit the history of construction of the geo-knowledge of the Tibeto-Himalayan borderlands by focusing on situated actors and connections: the epistemological contributions of native Indian, Tibetan, and Chinese surveyors in the employ of the Survey of India, the mobilization of labor for trans-Himalayan military and surveying expeditions, and the interactions between imperial knowledge productions and “indigenous” modes of spatial thinking as related in Tibetan revelatory guidebooks detailing the space of the Himalayas. Each of these aspects was critical in the re-constitution of the Himalayan mountains as a spatial unit that divided rather than connected political communities on either side.

Geography has been a central element in shaping conflict through the ages, and is especially important in determining which states fight, why they fight, when they fight, and more importantly, where they fight. Despite this, conflict literature has primarily focused on human geography while largely ignoring the geospatial context of ‘where' conflict occurs, or crucially, doesn't occur. Territorial disputes are highly salient issues that quite often result in militarized disputes. Terrain has been key to mitigating conflict even in the face of major variance in state capability and power projection. In this study I investigate how terrain characteristics interact with power projection, opportunity, and willingness and the impact this has across territorial disputes. Exploring terrain's interaction with these concepts and its effect among different types of conflict furthers our understanding of the questions listed above.

<p> The concept of ideological frontier and boundary, fami liar in the context of ' Cold War ' politics, is appl ied to Botswana , as a case study in political geogr aphy . The study works from two basi c assumptions . Firstly, that there is an inverse relationship between economic dependence and political independence (which in this study is further related to the hostility in the ideological conflict). Secondly, that in a confli ct bet ween riational interest and ideology a stat e gives pri ority to the former . These assumptions are used in the context of Botswana's national development and that state ' s contemporary geopoliticai situation in southern Africa . This situation is characterised by the ideological conflict of racial confrontation. The development of Botswana as a strategically i mportant state is trace d by reference to past political and economic dependencies on other states . An evaluation of the present day dependencies and their effect on Botswana's national goals depends in part on understanding that state's geopolitical situation along an ideological frontier. </p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

This research focuses on the Israeli town of Sderot and the rocket attacks it experienced since 2001. Sderot is a unique case study because it represents a group of individuals in a democratic country that lived with terrorism for almost a decade before the state took major defensive action. The situation in Sderot is one which has lacked attention in the media and in Political Science research. By analyzing the level of attention by multiple actors to the crisis in Sderot, the reasons for the perpetual insecurity of its population are discussed. The crisis is analyzed on four main levels: the experience of individuals in Sderot, the response of the Israeli government, Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, and the role of the United Nations. The preliminary chapter examines the impact of living with rocket fire while exploring methods by which Sderot residents have engaged in activism to improve their quality of life. The following chapter discusses Israeli national defense policy and examines where Sderot has ranked on the State's list of priorities. The third chapter consists of two main sections: an analysis of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, an explanation of Barnas' rise to power in Gaza. The latter section consists of an exploration of the politics surrounding the United Nation's level of attention to the crisis in Sderot. As one transitions from the individual level of analysis to the state level, the voices of Sderot residents become much quieter, and the realities of a state that is constantly attacked from beyond its borders can be understood. By analyzing the past failings of peace negotiations between Israeli and Palestinian leaders, lessons for future attempts at negotiations are discussed, and the ever-present link between peace and security is emphasized. Overall, the realities of daily life in a state which pursues a policy of security over diplomacy are illuminated.