Book Summary: Spanning three volumes, this comprehensive encyclopedia of over six hundred entries covers the full range of civil rights and liberties in America from the antecedents of the Bill of Rights through the most recent controversies over political and social issues, including abortion, free speech, religious liberty, voting rights, and the guarantees of equality. It also addresses the civil rights and liberties issues stemming from America's ongoing war on terrorism. Detailed entries include key concepts, historical events and developments, major trials and appellate court decisions, landmark legislation, legal doctrines, important personalities, and key organizations and agencies. Entries have an objective tone, allowing readers to draw their own conclusions. Designed as an up-to-date reference source for students, scholars, and citizens, the encyclopedia will help broaden and heighten understanding and appreciation for the wide range of issues associated with civil rights and liberties in the United States, and is the most sophisticated treatment available. The volumes of the encyclopedia consist of original entries, arranged alphabetically, on many current hot-button issues as well as in-depth coverage of the rights Americans hold sacred. Written by experts in the field, including attorneys, judges, and legal scholars, the encyclopedia takes a historical-legal approach, providing important information on the background and development of an issue or event. The third volume concludes with over three dozen essential primary documents, including landmark statutes, key court decisions, and influential essays.

Since the 1990s the support for the populist radical right parties has steadily increased. This essay investigates if there is a common policy preference among this party-family that makes them successful, irrespective of each party’s national belonging. This is achieved by utilising a time-series cross-sectional data from the Comparative Manifesto Project. These data range between 1990-2018 and includes 13 different West-European countries. Five different hypotheses containing different policy preferences are tested through multiple regression analysis. The essay concludes that the previously commonly accepted winning formula containing a positive view on welfare, emphasis on authoritarian values and nativism does not hold up. Furthermore, the essay concludes that national context has a decisive role of which policy preference is successful. The common successful policy preference among the populist radical right is their promotion of authoritarian values together with an emphasis on eliminating political corruption and clientelist behaviour (populism). This is explained by societal value changes with major clashing groups in the society, making the authoritarian values a successful policy preference irrespective of national context.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Universidade Católica de Pernambuco / O controle de constitucionalidade visa manter a unidade da ordem jurídica e as estruturas que constituem o Estado. Quando o equilíbrio do sistema jurídico sofre alterações, é através do uso do controle constitucional que são originados meios de correção para esse desequilíbrio ao compatibilizar-se a lei ou o ato normativo infraconstitucional e a Constituição. A partir da Carta Constitucional de 1988, a arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental caracterizou um avanço no controle de constitucionalidade brasileiro. Instituto único no mundo, é capaz de impedir atos de ameaça ou violação a preceito fundamental, decorrentes do Poder Público. Constitui meio de controle de constitucionalidade concentrado, sendo de competência originária e exclusiva do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Por estarem inseridas no contexto da judicialização da política e do ativismo judicial, presentes no julgamento das ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade, quando comparadas às demais formas de controle constitucional concentrado, é possível verificar um reduzido quantitativo das arguições efetivamente julgadas, podendo resultar em prejuízos à concretização dos preceitos fundamentais. Observa-se que, em decorrência do baixo índice de processos decisórios nas ADPFs, as mesmas nem sempre têm sido reconhecidas como meio apto para solucionar descumprimentos aos mandamentos constitucionais, o que provoca o esvaziamento de sua importância no controle de constitucionalidade concentrado. Devido à referida situação, no presente trabalho procura-se analisar a existência de autocontenção judicial e quais fatores têm contribuído para a prática desse fenômeno pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal em sede de arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental. Para tanto, através da análise quantitativa e qualitativa, buscou-se compreender a seletividade negativa e positiva no julgamento das arguições de descumprimento realizada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, a partir da análise das ações que não sofreram julgamento do mérito e daquelas que tiveram o mérito analisado. Também foi analisado o comportamento dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal com relação ao requisito da subsidiariedade e o respeito à Lei 9.882/99, que regulamenta as arguições de descumprimento. A pesquisa compreendeu revisão de literatura das referências doutrinárias e jurisprudenciais relativas aos principais conceitos e teorias que integram esta dissertação, constituindo também uma pesquisa de caráter exploratório e descritivo, seguida do acompanhamento processual da totalidade das ADPFs, através do sítio eletrônico do Supremo Tribunal Federal, incluindo as arguições propostas no período de dezembro de 1999 a julho de 2013, por meio da elaboração de planilha para o acompanhamento de varáveis relacionadas às arguições de descumprimento e investigação das hipóteses da pesquisa. / The constitutionality control aims to maintain the unity of the legal system and the structures that constitute the state. When the balance of the legal system is altered, is through the use of constitutional control that are sourced means of correcting for this imbalance to harmonize the infraconstitucional law or normative act and the Constitution. From the 1988 Constitution, the arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental marked an advance in the Brazilian control of constitutionality. Institute unique in the world, is able to prevent acts of threat or breach of fundamental precept deriving from the Government. Is a means of concentrated constitutionality control, being exclusive and original jurisdiction of the Brazilian Supreme Court. By being inserted in the context of the judicialization of politics and judicial activism, in the judgment of the ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade, as compared to other forms of concentrated constitutionality control, is possible to check a small quantitative of pleas effectively judged and may result in losses to the achievement of the fundamental precepts. It is observed that as a result of the low level of decision-making processes in ADPFs, they have not always been recognized as a suitable means to resolve breaches the constitutional commandments, which causes the emptying of its importance in the concentrated constitutionality control. Due to this situation, this work seeks to analyze the existence of judicial self-restraint and what the factors have contributed to the practice of this phenomenon by the Brazilian Supreme Court in place of invoking a arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental. Therefore, through quantitative and qualitative analysis, we sought to understand the positive and negative selectivity in the judgment of pleas of breach made by the Supreme Court based on the analysis of the actions that have not been judged on the merits and the merits of those who had examined. It also was analyzed the behavior of Justices of the Supreme Court with regard to the requirement of subsidiarity and respect the Law 9.882/99, which regulates the ADPFs. The research included a literature review of doctrinal and jurisprudential references concerning the main concepts and theories that integrate this dissertation, also constituting a search for exploratory and descriptive, then monitoring the procedure of all ADPFs through electronic website of the Brazilian Supreme Court, proposals including the pleas in the period from December 1999 to July 2013, through the development of worksheet to the accompaniment of variables related of the complaints of breach and investigation of research hypotheses.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 juliana_brito_giovanetti_pontes.pdf: 2048824 bytes, checksum: 5c9dc70a941dca47740b74a40f967655 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-12-11 / Universidade Católica de Pernambuco / The constitutionality control aims to maintain the unity of the legal system and the structures that constitute the state. When the balance of the legal system is altered, is through the use of constitutional control that are sourced means of correcting for this imbalance to harmonize the infraconstitucional law or normative act and the Constitution. From the 1988 Constitution, the arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental marked an advance in the Brazilian control of constitutionality. Institute unique in the world, is able to prevent acts of threat or breach of fundamental precept deriving from the Government. Is a means of concentrated constitutionality control, being exclusive and original jurisdiction of the Brazilian Supreme Court. By being inserted in the context of the judicialization of politics and judicial activism, in the judgment of the ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade, as compared to other forms of concentrated constitutionality control, is possible to check a small quantitative of pleas effectively judged and may result in losses to the achievement of the fundamental precepts. It is observed that as a result of the low level of decision-making processes in ADPFs, they have not always been recognized as a suitable means to resolve breaches the constitutional commandments, which causes the emptying of its importance in the concentrated constitutionality control. Due to this situation, this work seeks to analyze the existence of judicial self-restraint and what the factors have contributed to the practice of this phenomenon by the Brazilian Supreme Court in place of invoking a arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental. Therefore, through quantitative and qualitative analysis, we sought to understand the positive and negative selectivity in the judgment of pleas of breach made by the Supreme Court based on the analysis of the actions that have not been judged on the merits and the merits of those who had examined. It also was analyzed the behavior of Justices of the Supreme Court with regard to the requirement of subsidiarity and respect the Law 9.882/99, which regulates the ADPFs. The research included a literature review of doctrinal and jurisprudential references concerning the main concepts and theories that integrate this dissertation, also constituting a search for exploratory and descriptive, then monitoring the procedure of all ADPFs through electronic website of the Brazilian Supreme Court, proposals including the pleas in the period from December 1999 to July 2013, through the development of worksheet to the accompaniment of variables related of the complaints of breach and investigation of research hypotheses. / O controle de constitucionalidade visa manter a unidade da ordem jurídica e as estruturas que constituem o Estado. Quando o equilíbrio do sistema jurídico sofre alterações, é através do uso do controle constitucional que são originados meios de correção para esse desequilíbrio ao compatibilizar-se a lei ou o ato normativo infraconstitucional e a Constituição. A partir da Carta Constitucional de 1988, a arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental caracterizou um avanço no controle de constitucionalidade brasileiro. Instituto único no mundo, é capaz de impedir atos de ameaça ou violação a preceito fundamental, decorrentes do Poder Público. Constitui meio de controle de constitucionalidade concentrado, sendo de competência originária e exclusiva do Supremo Tribunal Federal. Por estarem inseridas no contexto da judicialização da política e do ativismo judicial, presentes no julgamento das ações diretas de inconstitucionalidade, quando comparadas às demais formas de controle constitucional concentrado, é possível verificar um reduzido quantitativo das arguições efetivamente julgadas, podendo resultar em prejuízos à concretização dos preceitos fundamentais. Observa-se que, em decorrência do baixo índice de processos decisórios nas ADPFs, as mesmas nem sempre têm sido reconhecidas como meio apto para solucionar descumprimentos aos mandamentos constitucionais, o que provoca o esvaziamento de sua importância no controle de constitucionalidade concentrado. Devido à referida situação, no presente trabalho procura-se analisar a existência de autocontenção judicial e quais fatores têm contribuído para a prática desse fenômeno pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal em sede de arguição de descumprimento de preceito fundamental. Para tanto, através da análise quantitativa e qualitativa, buscou-se compreender a seletividade negativa e positiva no julgamento das arguições de descumprimento realizada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, a partir da análise das ações que não sofreram julgamento do mérito e daquelas que tiveram o mérito analisado. Também foi analisado o comportamento dos Ministros do Supremo Tribunal Federal com relação ao requisito da subsidiariedade e o respeito à Lei 9.882/99, que regulamenta as arguições de descumprimento. A pesquisa compreendeu revisão de literatura das referências doutrinárias e jurisprudenciais relativas aos principais conceitos e teorias que integram esta dissertação, constituindo também uma pesquisa de caráter exploratório e descritivo, seguida do acompanhamento processual da totalidade das ADPFs, através do sítio eletrônico do Supremo Tribunal Federal, incluindo as arguições propostas no período de dezembro de 1999 a julho de 2013, por meio da elaboração de planilha para o acompanhamento de varáveis relacionadas às arguições de descumprimento e investigação das hipóteses da pesquisa.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-01T18:18:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ronaldo_jose_sousa_paulino_filho.pdf: 568879 bytes, checksum: 3c1f03437c8342a4164b2eff455e17c3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-13 / This research''s goal is to study the relationship between the legislator and the interpreter, relating this conflict of roles in these institutions to the figure of minority groups, using the decision of ADPF 132/ADI 4277 as an example of this confrontation. This is a recent phenomenon in brazilian reality, accompanied by a strong growth performance of the activist judiciary, and its widely discussed role. This attitude reaches consequences of different levels, and encompasses a variety of precepts from the structure of powers, institutional harmony, functional performance and social impact. Guided by an increasingly complex and pluralistic society, minority figures appear as vulnerable. The phenomenon of a disharmonious relationship between the institutions that hold power, more explicitly between the Legislature and the Judiciary, is based on this social and political context today. The method and the substance of the conflict resolution consist in a kind of analogy related to confrontation and interference to the prerogatives attributed mainly to parliamentarians and conflict resolution by the judiciary, highlighting the effective decision related to the merits, but illegitimate for this institution. In other words, questioning the need - over judicialization. This is a fundamental debate and has its great importance for the development of the democratic state with rule of law; the social reality and its relation to democracy. It leads to the understanding that this is a phenomenon that if not established with the required care and attention, may cause severe side effects and severe risks to the respect of the democratic ideal. This situation reveals the vulnerability and instability of society, especially the minorities in relation to the controversy of the judicial activism. A bibliographic research is used, qualitative with deductive method, seeking to understand the causes and consequences of the relation of minority groups, exemplified by the decision of the Supreme Court in ADPF132/ADI 4277, linked to the conflict between the legislator and the interpreter. / Este trabalho tem por estudo a relação entre o Legislador e o Intérprete, relacionando esse conflito de papéis nas instituições com a figura de grupos minoritários, utilizando-se da decisão da ADPF 132/ADI 4277 como exemplo desse enfrentamento. Dessa forma um fenômeno recente da realidade brasileira, acompanhado de um forte crescimento é o desempenho ativista do Poder Judiciário, o protagonismo exercido por este é amplamente discutido e polemizado. Essa postura alcança desdobramentos dos mais diversos níveis, e engloba variados preceitos desde a estrutura dos poderes; harmonia institucional; desempenho funcional e repercussão social. Pautada por uma sociedade cada vez mais complexa e plural a figura das minorias aparece como vulnerável. Nesse contexto social e político atualmente se baseia o fenômeno de uma relação desarmônica entre as instituições detentoras do poder, mais explicitamente entre o Poder Legislativo e o Poder Judiciário. O método e o mérito da resolução de conflitos consiste em uma espécie de analogia com relação ao enfrentamento e interferências nas prerrogativas essencialmente atribuídas aos parlamentares e a resolução de conflitos por parte do judiciário, realçando a eficaz decisão em relação ao mérito da questão, mas em conflito com a ilegitimidade do órgão que a exerceu. Ou seja, com o questionamento da necessidade- excesso de judicialização. Trata-se de um debate fundamental e de grandiosa importância para o desenrolar do Estado Democrático de Direito; a realidade social e a sua relação com a democracia. Leva- se ao entendimento que a postura é um fenômeno posto e se não estabelecido com o cuidado e merecedora atenção, pode ocasionar efeitos colaterais e riscos severos de entrave ao respeito do ideal democrático. Situação que revela a vulnerabilidade e instabilidade da sociedade e principalmente das minorias em relação aos poderes e a problemática e polêmica do ativismo judicial. Utiliza-se uma pesquisa bibliográfica, qualitativa com método dedutivo, para buscar compreender as causas e consequências da relação de grupos minoritários, exemplificados pela decisão do STF na ADPF132/ADI 4277, com a ligação do conflito entre o Legislador e o Intérprete.

Summaries in English and Afrikaans / The second fully democratic election in South Africa is scheduled to take place in May 1999. In the five years since the first election, it appears that very little attention has been paid to the political literacy of the electorate in general, and the youth in particular. The purpose of this study was to establish adolescents' level of political knowledge and whether they are able to think critically about political issues or not. The first part of the literature study which was concerned with critical thinking revealed that the major aspects of critical thinking are: deductive reasoning, inductive inference, recognition of assumptions, credibility, and problem solving. The second part of the literature study was an analysis of which factors may play a role in the development of critical thinking of an adolescent. with particular reference to a political context. The third part was an examination of important current political and social issues. These were: the new Constitution. Truth and Reconciliation Commission, housing, land redistribution, education, labour, health, crime, political violence, environment, and the next election. A reliable measuring instrument was developed in order to measure adolescents' knowledge of political issues, and their ability to think critically about these issues. The results of the empirical study revealed that intellectual potential and academic achievement were significantly related to critical thinking ability, while gender, environment, and personality appeared not to play a role. There was a significant correlation between political knowledge and critical thinking in a political context, implying that critical thinking is subject-specific. Cultural background also played a significant role in critical thinking in a political context. In terms of political knowledge, boys were found to be at a significantly higher level than girls. The subjects from urban areas were also at a significantly higher level than those from rural areas. There was also a positive correlation between intellectual potential, academic achievement, and political knowledge. Finally, some recommendations for improving the levels of political knowledge and critical thinking abilities with regard to political issues of South African adolescents were given. / Die tweede ten valle demokratiese verkiesing in Suid-Afrika is geskeduleer om in Mei 1999 plaas te vind. In die vyf jaar sedert die vorige verkiesing is baie min aandag gegee aan die politieke geletterdheid van die verkiesingspubliek in die algemeen en die jeug in besonder. Die doel van hierdie studie was om adolessente se vlak van politieke kennis te bepaal en om vas te stel of hulle in staat is om krities oar politieke kwessies na te dink. Die eerste deel van die literatuurstudie wat verband hou met kritiese denke het uitgewys dat die hoofaspekte van kritiese denke die volgende is: deduktiewe redenering, induktiewe inferensies, herkenning van aannames, geloofwaardigheid en probleemoplossing. Die tweede deel van die literatuurstudie behels 'n analise van die faktore wat 'n rol kan speel in die ontwikkeling van die kritiese denke van die adolessent, met spesifieke verwysing na 'n politieke konteks. Die derde deel is 'n ondersoek na belangrike teenswoordige politieke en sosiale kwessies. Hierdie kwessies sluit in: die nuwe Grondwet, die Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie, behuising, herverdeling van grand, opvoeding, arbeid, gesondheid, misdaad, politieke geweld, die omgewing en die volgende verkiesing. 'n Betroubare meetinstrument om adolessente se kennis van politieke kwessies asook hul vermoe om krities daaroor na te dink, is ontwikkel. Die resultate van die empiriese ondersoek het aangetoon dat intellektuele potensiaal en akademiese prestasie betekenisvol verband hou met kritiese denkvermoe, terwyl geslag, omgewing en persoonlikheid klaarblyklik nie 'n rol speel nie. Daar is ook 'n betekenisvolle korrelasie tussen politieke kennis en kritiese denke in 'n politieke konteks wat impliseer dat kritiese denke vakspesifiek is. Kulturele agtergrond speel ook 'n betekenisvolle rol in kritiese denke in 'n politieke konteks. Ten opsigte van politieke kennis is daar bevind dat seuns op 'n betekenisvolle hoer vlak is as dogters. Respondente uit stedelike gebiede is oak op 'n betekenisvolle hoer vlak as diegene uit plattelandse gebiede. Oaar is oak 'n betekenisvolle korrelasie tussen intellektuele potensiaal, akademiese prestasie en politieke kennis. Ten slotte is aanbevelings gemaak om die vlakke van politieke kennis en kritiese denkvermoens met betrekking tot politieke aangeleenthede by Suid-Afrikaanse adolessente te verbeter. / Psychology of Education / D. Ed. (Psychology of Education)

Summaries in English and Afrikaans / The second fully democratic election in South Africa is scheduled to take place in May 1999. In the five years since the first election, it appears that very little attention has been paid to the political literacy of the electorate in general, and the youth in particular. The purpose of this study was to establish adolescents' level of political knowledge and whether they are able to think critically about political issues or not. The first part of the literature study which was concerned with critical thinking revealed that the major aspects of critical thinking are: deductive reasoning, inductive inference, recognition of assumptions, credibility, and problem solving. The second part of the literature study was an analysis of which factors may play a role in the development of critical thinking of an adolescent. with particular reference to a political context. The third part was an examination of important current political and social issues. These were: the new Constitution. Truth and Reconciliation Commission, housing, land redistribution, education, labour, health, crime, political violence, environment, and the next election. A reliable measuring instrument was developed in order to measure adolescents' knowledge of political issues, and their ability to think critically about these issues. The results of the empirical study revealed that intellectual potential and academic achievement were significantly related to critical thinking ability, while gender, environment, and personality appeared not to play a role. There was a significant correlation between political knowledge and critical thinking in a political context, implying that critical thinking is subject-specific. Cultural background also played a significant role in critical thinking in a political context. In terms of political knowledge, boys were found to be at a significantly higher level than girls. The subjects from urban areas were also at a significantly higher level than those from rural areas. There was also a positive correlation between intellectual potential, academic achievement, and political knowledge. Finally, some recommendations for improving the levels of political knowledge and critical thinking abilities with regard to political issues of South African adolescents were given. / Die tweede ten valle demokratiese verkiesing in Suid-Afrika is geskeduleer om in Mei 1999 plaas te vind. In die vyf jaar sedert die vorige verkiesing is baie min aandag gegee aan die politieke geletterdheid van die verkiesingspubliek in die algemeen en die jeug in besonder. Die doel van hierdie studie was om adolessente se vlak van politieke kennis te bepaal en om vas te stel of hulle in staat is om krities oar politieke kwessies na te dink. Die eerste deel van die literatuurstudie wat verband hou met kritiese denke het uitgewys dat die hoofaspekte van kritiese denke die volgende is: deduktiewe redenering, induktiewe inferensies, herkenning van aannames, geloofwaardigheid en probleemoplossing. Die tweede deel van die literatuurstudie behels 'n analise van die faktore wat 'n rol kan speel in die ontwikkeling van die kritiese denke van die adolessent, met spesifieke verwysing na 'n politieke konteks. Die derde deel is 'n ondersoek na belangrike teenswoordige politieke en sosiale kwessies. Hierdie kwessies sluit in: die nuwe Grondwet, die Waarheids- en Versoeningskommissie, behuising, herverdeling van grand, opvoeding, arbeid, gesondheid, misdaad, politieke geweld, die omgewing en die volgende verkiesing. 'n Betroubare meetinstrument om adolessente se kennis van politieke kwessies asook hul vermoe om krities daaroor na te dink, is ontwikkel. Die resultate van die empiriese ondersoek het aangetoon dat intellektuele potensiaal en akademiese prestasie betekenisvol verband hou met kritiese denkvermoe, terwyl geslag, omgewing en persoonlikheid klaarblyklik nie 'n rol speel nie. Daar is ook 'n betekenisvolle korrelasie tussen politieke kennis en kritiese denke in 'n politieke konteks wat impliseer dat kritiese denke vakspesifiek is. Kulturele agtergrond speel ook 'n betekenisvolle rol in kritiese denke in 'n politieke konteks. Ten opsigte van politieke kennis is daar bevind dat seuns op 'n betekenisvolle hoer vlak is as dogters. Respondente uit stedelike gebiede is oak op 'n betekenisvolle hoer vlak as diegene uit plattelandse gebiede. Oaar is oak 'n betekenisvolle korrelasie tussen intellektuele potensiaal, akademiese prestasie en politieke kennis. Ten slotte is aanbevelings gemaak om die vlakke van politieke kennis en kritiese denkvermoens met betrekking tot politieke aangeleenthede by Suid-Afrikaanse adolessente te verbeter. / Psychology of Education / D. Ed. (Psychology of Education)