<p> Hezekiah is portrayed as a pious and faithful king in three biblical accounts: 2 Kgs 18-20, Isa 36-39 and 2 Chr 29-32. The way Hezekiah is characterized, however, is quite different in each of these three biblical accounts. Utilizing narrative analysis, this dissertation concentrated specifically on the characterization of Hezekiah in the literary context of these three biblical accounts. Hezekiah's story was examined first as a discrete account applying narrative features separately and then as a story within the larger context of each book. Then, the portrayal of Hezekiah in the three biblical books was compared in conclusion. This dissertation demonstrated that these three biblical accounts relate the same reign of King Hezekiah in their unique way according to their purpose and their individual point of view. The Kings account focuses on Hezekiah's political events including his negative aspects in order to show the faithfulness of the LORD in His promise to David (2 Sam 7) through Hezekiah's faithful actions to the LORD. Hezekiah is portrayed as a round character whose characterization is developed within the story. In Isaiah, the Hezekiah story is reshaped by the narrator by omitting and inserting some parts of Hezekiah's narratives in the Kings account. Hezekiah is portrayed as a more faithful king than his father, Ahaz, in order to encourage the people who heard the visions of Isaiah, to trust in the LORD sincerely. In Chronicles, the Hezekiah narratives are related differently by expanding, abridging, and rephrasing his Vorlage. The Chronicles account depicts Hezekiah as the best king among the Davidic kings in order to indicate the beginning of the reunited kingdom. Thus, the Chronicles account fully expands Hezekiah's religious reforms and abridges his political events in order to portray him as a second David and Solomon. In the three accounts, Hezekiah is not portrayed as a perfect king, but instead as a limited human king in order to encourage the readers to see the LORD, the heavenly King.</p> / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:48:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Valdivino Souza Ribeiro.pdf: 567901 bytes, checksum: 69a69fd9cb68efe7eeb2b277f019d190 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2002-12-10 / One can perceive very clearly how the historical development of Brasil is permeated by the history of mankind. Religion especially marks the struggles for survival, the conquest of the land, and better conditions for life. Indigenous people show how the relationship to the land is profound and logical like the relationship to the Creator. The African Negroes procured divine attunement and return to roots. The Canudos movement is a search for faithfulness to God's law in contrast to Satan's. In the land struggle and the equitable distribution of income, the CPT (Pastoral Land Commission) and the MST (Landless Peasant Movement) endeavour to make use of this mysticism. Religious motivation is always present in the movements of land resistance and conquest. Deut 26, 5-11 is a Biblical text that forms part of a larger whole: the feast of the first fruits, and signalizes that, even in an accumulative process, there exists a counter reaction. Such was the case with Hezechias and, especially, Josiah in their opposition to political and religious concentration. The Biblical text shows that the State didn't totally win the battle, for there are references to resistance that survive in the political-religious reform ceremony. In the modern era it is very opportune to read Deut 26,5-11 and sing popular community liberation hymns seeing that land and income continue to be monopolized. Liberation Hymns invite all to resist and take possession of the land. The struggle is all encompassing as should joy. / No processo histórico do Brasil, percebe-se de maneira muito clara como a religiosidade permeia a história da humanidade. A religião marca, principalmente, as lutas por resistência e conquista da terra e melhores condições de vida. Os nativos mostram que a relação com a terra é profunda e lógica, como a relação com o Criador. Os negros africanos buscam a harmonia da divindade e o retorno à liberdade, segundo as origens. O movimento de Canudos é a busca da fidelidade à lei de Deus e não à do cão. Na luta pela terra e distribuição da terra e da renda, a CPT e o MST se empenham em fazer valer a mística. A motivação religiosa está sempre presente nos movimentos de resistência e conquista da terra. O texto de Dt 26,5-11 na Bíblia, faz parte de um conjunto: a festa das primícias, e sinaliza que, mesmo em um processo concentrador, existe reação à centralização políticoreligiosa promovida por Ezequias e, sobretudo, por Josias. O texto mostra que o Estado não venceu totalmente, pois há referência a expressões resistentes que permanecem dentro de uma cerimônia da reforma político-religiosa. Nos tempos atuais, quando a terra e a renda continuam sendo concentradas, é oportuno ler Dt 26,5-11 e cantar o Baião das Comunidades. O canto convida todos/as à resistência e conquista da terra. A luta é ampla como também ampla deve ser a alegria.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:30:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Bruna Suruagy do Amaral Dantas.pdf: 2651436 bytes, checksum: efc8f29dcb5adf6ce58c5f4b7f16f0f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-10-21 / In Brazil, the Evangelical churches have entered into the political sphere and have consolidated their strength in the national scenario. Today, they are relevant political players that have power to interfere in the parliament s decisions, and it is no longer possible to ignore their presence in the public space. The interest in politics has expanded so much that Pentecostal denominations of significant importance in the religious field have started to have political assistance regarding the development of electoral strategies, thus enabling the amplification of parliamentary representation and the acquisition of elective offices in the municipal, state and federal spheres. In this way, they started to hold positions of power and became political agents of national significance. In view of the growth of the Evangelical parliamentary representation in Congress, the present study aims to investigate the system of political-religious ideologies of the Evangelical congressmen, in the 2007/2011 term of office. The methodological procedure was semi-structured interviews with congressmen and assistants. Data analysis, based on the concept of ideology developed by Ignacio Martín-Baró, revealed that the members of the Evangelical Parliamentary Front present in their speeches the following ideological presuppositions: the myth of unity and consensus, the denial of antagonism, the commitment to generic representation, the normalization of politics, the conservation of the instituted morality, the preservation of the status quo and the combat against the transformation of the legislative code / No Brasil, as igrejas evangélicas têm ingressado na esfera político-partidária e consolidado sua força no cenário nacional. Atualmente, são atores políticos relevantes, que possuem poder para interferir nas decisões do parlamento, não sendo mais possível ignorar sua presença no espaço público. O interesse pela política expandiu-se tanto que denominações pentecostais de expressiva importância no campo religioso passaram a contar com uma assessoria política que lhes orienta no desenvolvimento de estratégias eleitorais, propiciando, assim, a ampliação da representação parlamentar e a conquista de cargos eletivos nas esferas municipal, estadual e federal. Dessa maneira, começaram a ocupar posições de poder, convertendo-se em agentes políticos de expressividade nacional. Em vista do crescimento da representação parlamentar evangélica na Câmara Federal, a presente pesquisa tem como objetivo investigar o sistema de ideologias político-religiosas dos deputados federais evangélicos, na legislatura de 2007/2011. Para tanto, utilizou-se como procedimento metodológico a realização de entrevistas semiestruturadas com parlamentares e assessores. A análise dos dados, realizada com base no conceito de ideologia desenvolvido por Ignacio Martín-Baró, revelou que os integrantes da Frente Parlamentar Evangélica apresentam em seus discursos os seguintes pressupostos ideológicos: o mito da unidade e do consenso, a negação do antagonismo, o compromisso com a representação genérica, a normatização da política, a conservação da moralidade instituída, a preservação do status quo e o combate à transformação do código legislativo

Since 2009, within the framework of the Ánimas Altas Archaeological Program in Ica, Peru — under the direction of the au-thors — systematic excavations have been carried out in the Ánimas Altas/Ánimas Bajas archaeological complex, the center ofthe Paracas culture in the lower Ica valley. To date, the project has documented public-ceremonial architecture as well as domesticand production areas. Additionally, excavations have revealed evidence of pyramidal complexes contiguous to plazas, one smallpyramid housing an elite tomb decorated with a mural frieze, and remnants of dwellings and storage areas.In this article, we attempt to understand the function that Ánimas had during its prehispanic occupation, using data from recent excavations at the site. Our analysis draws on a wide range of material culture categories to facilitate reflections on the concepts of ‘city’ and ‘territory’ in the Andes, enriching our understanding of the process of prehispanic urbanism, a widely debated concept among Andeanists. Thus, we explore the meaning of the stylistic and technological heterogeneity observde in some types of materialamong Andeanists. Thus, we explore the meaning of the stylistic and technological heterogeneity observde in some types of materia culture, positing the idea that this heterogeneity reflects social and territorial dynamics, rather than mere diachronic variation. / Desde 2009, en el marco del Programa Arqueológico Ánimas Altas, Ica, Perú, bajo la dirección de los autores, se realizan exca-vaciones sistemáticas en el complejo arqueológico Ánimas Altas/Ánimas Bajas, principal establecimiento paracas en el valle bajode Ica. Hasta la fecha, se han documentado áreas público-ceremoniales, y otras de carácter doméstico y/o de producción. Además,las excavaciones han revelado secciones de complejos piramidales contiguos a plazas, una pequeña pirámide que albergaba unatumba de élite asociada a un friso mural y vestigios de viviendas y áreas de almacenaje.En el presente artículo, sobre la base de los datos proporcionados por las recientes excavaciones, intentamos aproximarnos al tipo de establecimiento que habría sido Ánimas. Se enfatizan los análisis de la cultura material para alimentar la reflexión sobre la noción de la ciudad y del territorio en los Andes, y enriquecer la problemática del urbanismo prehispánico, tema muy debatido en el Perú. Asimismo, se explora el significado de la heterogeneidad estilística y tecnológica de algunos aspectos de la cultura material dentro una perspectiva de dinámicas sociales y territoriales, en lugar de considerarla automáticamente como una manifestación dentro una perspectiva de dinámicde evolución estilística diacrónica.

L’apparition de la démocratie au Bénin a favorisé l’émergence des élitesreligieuses et traditionnelles sur la scène publique. Ces dernières ont saisil’opportunité que leur offraient les changements institutionnels au niveau de l’Étatpour s’organiser en groupes d’intérêts et essayer d’améliorer leur situation sociale.Mais leurs ambitions vont bien au-delà de leurs sphères de prédilection, car cesélites religieuses et traditionnelles entendent être associées à l’élaboration despolitiques publiques et participer au développement de l’État béninois. Ce souhaitmet en exergue la probabilité de l’existence d’une gouvernance conjointe ouplurielle, à échelons différents, de la cité, notamment au niveau local, entre élitespolitiques, religieuses et traditionnelles. D’autre part, si la position de l’Étatbéninois à l’endroit des chefferies religieuses et traditionnelles a varié depuis laproclamation de l’indépendance et qu’il leur est reconnu une certaine importance,le statut de ces institutions sociales n’est toujours pas éclairci. Il n’en demeure pasmoins que les gouvernements et les élites politiques au Bénin peuvent avoir uneconception instrumentale de ces relations. Par ailleurs, les élites religieuses ettraditionnelles ne restent pas passives face à l’action de l’État et des élitespolitiques. Aux questions de savoir quand, où et comment ces élites politiques,religieuses et traditionnelles se rencontrent, il peut y avoir plusieurs modalités deréponses qui entraînent à leur tour certaines configurations relationnelles non sansconséquences sur l’État béninois. / The apparition of democracy in Benin has contributed to the emergence ofreligious and traditional elites on the public stage. These elites have seized theopportunity that the institutional state transformations have offered them to organizethemselves into lobbies and to try to improve their social situation. However, theirambitions go beyond their traditional domains, and these religious and traditional eliteswish to participate in the development of public policy and of the Beninese state. Thisambition underlines the probability of the development of a joint or plural managementof cities, notably on a local level, between political, religious and traditional elites.Also, although the position of the Beninese state concerning religious and traditionalchieftainships has varied since the declaration of independence and the state recognizesthat these chieftainships have a certain importance, these the status of these socialinstitutions remains unclear. However, the country’s successive governments andpolitical elites can have an instrumental conception of these relations. It is also worthnoting that the religious and traditional elites do not remain passive concerning the stateand political elites’ actions. There can be several different kinds of response to thequestion of how these political, religious and traditional elites come together, responseswhich imply certain relational configurations which have an impact on the Beninesestate.

Submitted by Daniel de Figueiredo null (dd66fig@gmail.com) on 2018-03-24T10:55:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TESE_DANIEL_DE_FIGUEIREDO.pdf: 17866175 bytes, checksum: 6674e2b4c6e440c8bfb103848fcc4347 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jacqueline de Almeida null (jacquie@franca.unesp.br) on 2018-03-26T13:36:43Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Figueiredo_D_te_fran.pdf: 17866175 bytes, checksum: 6674e2b4c6e440c8bfb103848fcc4347 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-26T13:36:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Figueiredo_D_te_fran.pdf: 17866175 bytes, checksum: 6674e2b4c6e440c8bfb103848fcc4347 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-03-16 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / Cette recherche a pour but d’analyser le rôle politique, religieux et administratif de l’empereur Théodose II (401-450 ap. J.-C.) dans la gestion de la Controverse nestorienne, conflit qui est apparu dans la hiérarchie ecclésiastique de l’Empire romain d’Orient pendant la seconde moitié de son gouvernement (428-450 ap. J.-C.). Dans le domaine théologique, cette controverse était liée aux divergences entretenues par les évêques Cyrille d’Alexandrie et Nestorius de Constantinople à propos de la compréhension de l’interaction entre les natures humaine et divine dans le Christ incarné. Conformément à leurs respectifs imaginaires politiques et religieux, Cyrille, originaire de la région d’Egypte, défendait une union (ἕνωσις) entre ces natures, alors que Nestorius, originaire d’Antioche, dans la province de Syrie I, défendait une conjonction (συνάφεια) entre elles. Telles divergences ont abouti à une polarisation de la société romaine orientale autour de ces idées, parce qu’il y avait un étroit entrelacement des questions religieuses et politiques dans l’Antiquité tardive. L’étendue du conflit peut être vérifiée par la participation de différents segments de fonctionnaires de l’administration impériale qui s’alignaient aux factions formées, puisque les conflits de cette nature dans ce contexte étaient aussi liés à des constructions idéologiques qui ont contribué pour soutenir et donner de l’unité au pouvoir impérial. Cette adhésion des fonctionnaires nous indique que Théodose II n’a pas arbitré seulement un conflit théologique entre les membres de la hiérarchie ecclésiastique, mais que son intervention a nécessité qu’il négocie sa propre position dans la topographie du pouvoir avec des segments des aristocraties qui ont formé ces cadres de personnel. À partir de là, nous caractérisons le conflit non seulement comme théologique, mais aussi comme politique et administratif. Cette perception a été possible à travers notre catalogage des lettres impériales et épiscopales consultées, ce qui nous a permis de visualiser la formation de réseaux de sociabilité entretenues entre les évêques et les fonctionnaires impériaux. Les informations recueillies dans ces documents, en particulier en ce qui concerne les données prosopographiques des auteurs ou des personnes mentionnées dans les lettres, ont été comparées aux oeuvres Livre d’Heraclide, de Nestorius, et Contre Nestorius, de Cyrille, afin de renforcer la perception de la synergie entre les évêques et les fonctionnaires pour la défense de leurs intérêts politico-religieux communs. Ainsi, nous avons travaillé sur l’hypothèse que Théodose II et les auxiliaires qui ont contribué à l’élaboration de ses stratégies d’action n’ont pas négocié seulement l’unité doctrinale autour d’une orthodoxie religieuse avec les membres de la hiérarchie ecclésiastique. Telles négociations visaient également à maintenir l’unité impériale autour de la diversité des éléments culturels, politiques, administratifs et territoriaux avec d’autres groupes détenteurs du pouvoir, c’est-à-dire, les fonctionnaires impériaux qui contribuaient à légitimer la position centrale de Théodose II en tant que gouverneur. Le jeu de concessions établi par l’empereur à travers l’alternance de soutien entre les factions cyrillienne et nestorienne, qui peut être perçu à l’occasion du Concile d’Éphèse I (431), de la Formule de Réunion (433), au Synode de Constantinople (448) et du Concile d’Éphèse II (449), ne nous indique pas l’incapacité politique de Théodose de conduire le conflit, comme l’historiographie a fréquemment signalé à ce sujet. Dans notre perspective analytique, les mouvements impériaux comprenaient des négociations stratégiques visant à accommoder les intérêts et à contrebalancer des pouvoirs avec les aristocraties de fonctionnaires issus de différentes régions de l’Empire qui s’associaient aux évêques dans le conflit théologique. / Essa pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a atuação político-religiosa e administrativa do imperador Teodósio II (401-450 d.C.) no gerenciamento da Controvérsia Nestoriana, conflito que emergiu na hierarquia eclesiástica do Império Romano do Oriente, durante a segunda metade do seu governo, de 428 a 450 d.C. Na esfera teológica, tal controvérsia esteve relacionada às divergências mantidas pelos bispos Cirilo de Alexandria e Nestório de Constantinopla no que se refere ao entendimento da interação entre as naturezas humana e divina no Cristo encarnado. Consoantes aos respectivos imaginários político-religiosos em que se inseriam, Cirilo, originário da região do Egito, advogava uma união (ἕνωσις) entre aquelas naturezas, ao passo que Nestório, oriundo de Antioquia, na província da Síria I, defendia apenas uma conjunção (συνάφεια) entre elas. Tais divergências resultaram em uma polarização da sociedade romana oriental em torno daquelas ideias, tendo em vista o estreito entrelaçamento que as questões religiosas e políticas eram percebidas na Antiguidade Tardia. A amplitude do conflito pode ser verificada pela participação de diferentes segmentos de funcionários da administração imperial que se alinharam às facções formadas, pois os conflitos dessa natureza, naquele contexto, estavam, também, relacionados a construções ideológicas que contribuíam para dar sustentação e unidade ao poder imperial. Essa adesão dos funcionários nos indica que Teodósio II não arbitrou apenas um conflito teológico entre membros da hierarquia eclesiástica, mas que sua intervenção necessitou que ele negociasse a sua própria posição na topografia do poder com segmentos das aristocracias que formavam esses quadros de funcionários. A partir daí, caracterizamos o conflito não somente como teológico, mas, também, como político-administrativo. Essa percepção foi possível por meio da catalogação e mapeamento das cartas imperiais e episcopais consultadas, que nos permitiram visualizar a formação das redes de sociabilidade mantidas entre bispos e funcionários imperiais. As informações colhidas nesses documentos, sobretudo no que se refere aos dados prosopográficos dos missivistas, ou daqueles indivíduos citados nas cartas, foram cotejadas com as obras Livro de Heraclides, de Nestório, e Contra Nestório, de Cirilo, no sentido de reforçar a percepção de sinergia entre bispos e funcionários na defesa dos seus interesses político-religiosos comuns. Assim, trabalhamos a hipótese de que Teodósio II, e aqueles auxiliares que contribuíam na elaboração das suas estratégias de atuação, não estavam negociando somente a unidade doutrinal em torno de uma ortodoxia religiosa com membros da hierarquia eclesiástica. Tais negociações também visavam a manutenção da unidade imperial em torno da diversidade de elementos culturais, políticos, administrativos e territoriais, com outros grupos detentores de poder, ou seja, os funcionários imperiais que contribuíam para legitimar a posição de centralidade de Teodósio II como governante. O jogo de concessões estabelecido pelo imperador por meio da alternância de apoio entre as facções ciriliana e nestoriana, que pode ser percebido por ocasião do Concílio de Éfeso I (431), da Fórmula da Reunião (433), do Sínodo de Constantinopla (448) e do Concílio de Éfeso II (449), não nos indica uma inabilidade política de Teodósio II em conduzir o conflito, conforme frequentemente registrou a historiografia sobre o assunto. Em nossa perspectiva de análise, tais movimentos abarcavam negociações estratégicas que visavam acomodar interesses e contrabalancear poderes com as aristocracias de funcionários oriundas de diferentes regiões do Império e que se associavam aos bispos na disputa teológica. / This research aims to analyze the political-religious and administrative performance of the emperor Theodosius II (401–450 A. D.) related to the management of the Nestorian Controversy, conflict that emerged in the ecclesiastical hierarchy of the Eastern Roman Empire during the second half of his rule, from 428 to 450 A. D. In the theological sphere, this controversy was related to the disagreements maintained by the bishops Cyril of Alexandria and Nestorius of Constantinople regarding the understanding of the interaction between the human and the divine nature of Christ incarnate. Consistent with the respective political-religious imaginary to which each one belonged, Cyril, a native of that region in Egypt, advocated a union (ἕνωσις) between those two natures, whereas Nestorius, a native of Antioch, in the province of Syria I, defended only a conjunction (συνάφεια) between them. Such divergent opinions resulted in a polarization of the Eastern Roman society regarding those ideas, considering that religious and political aspects used to be perceived as being narrowly interlaced in Late Antiquity. The extent of the conflict can be verified by the participation of officials from various segments of the imperial administration who aligned with the formed factions, as such conflicts, in that context, were also related to ideological constructions that contributed to provide support and unity to the imperial power. The adherence of the officials indicates that Theodosius II not only did manage a theological conflict between members of the ecclesiastic hierarchy but also that his intervening in the conflict demanded him to negotiate his own position on the topography of power with segments of the aristocracy that composed these groups of officials. Therefore, we characterize the conflict not only as a theological one, but also as a political-administrative one. This perception was made possible through the cataloging and mapping of the imperial and episcopal letters analyzed, which allowed us to visualize the formation of the sociability networks kept between imperial officials and bishops. Data extracted from those documents, particularly those referring to the prosopographical data of the letters’ authors, or from those individuals mentioned in the letters, were analyzed in contrast with Nestorius’s work entitled Book of Heraclides, and Cyril’s work entitled Against Nestorius, in order to reinforce the perception of synergy between the bishops and officials in the defense of their common political-religious interests. Thus, we study the hypothesis that Theodosius II and those who assisted him in elaborating his strategies of action, were not only negotiating the doctrinal unity around a religious orthodoxy with members of the ecclesiastical hierarchy. Such negotiations also aimed at keeping the imperial unity regarding cultural, political, administrative, and territorial elements, with other groups that had the power, i.e. imperial officials that used to contribute to legitimate the position of centrality of Theodosius II as a ruler. The concessions game established by the emperor by alternating support between cyrillian and nestorian groups, which can be observed during the Council of Ephesus I (431), the Formula of the Reunion (433), the Synod of Constantinople (448), and the Council of Ephesus II (449) do not indicate a political inability of Theodosius II to conduct the conflict, as frequently recorded in the historiography on the subject. From our standpoint, such moves included strategic negotiations that aimed at accommodating interests and balancing powers with the aristocracies of officials from various regions of the empire and that joined the bishops in the theological dispute. / 13/24320-4