This study offers a case study of women’s political participation and representation in pro-Kurdish politics in Turkey since 1990s. Kurdish women have been double oppressed in Turkey due to both their ethnic identity and gender identity. They have been mobilized by the Kurdish national movement for the Kurdish national cause and joined both Kurdish armed and political struggles from the early 1990s. From the foundation of the first pro-Kurdish political party, the People’s Labour Party [Halkın Emek Partisi- HEP] in 1990, Kurdish women have actively been involved in pro- Kurdish party politics. However, the pro-Kurdish party failed in promoting egalitarian gender values, policies and supporting women’s inclusion in decision-making until the end of 1990s except the election of the first Kurdish woman deputy, Leyla Zana in 1991. Women’s participation and representation in pro-Kurdish party politics have significantly advanced numerically since 1990s. In contrast to the general picture of women’s underrepresentation in Turkey’s politics, the proportion of Kurdish women representatives has been increasing in representation bodies. Therefore, this research aims to examine the Kurdish case through conducting an intensive field research in order to explain the reasons and factors behind these developments. This research is an empirical case study, primarily based on qualitative analysis of face-to-face in-depth semi-structured interviews of female political activists and participant observations held during field research. On the basis of empirical data gathered from field research and an analysis of pro-Kurdish party characteristics, its gender policies and female political activists’ roles in representation bodies, this study argues that the pro-Kurdish politics has gradually been feminizing which refers to an increase in women’s both descriptive and substantive representation since the beginning of 2000s. The changes and developments in terms of women’s representation in pro-Kurdish politics are framed as a process of feminization; which can simply be defined as a process for women to be included in political decision-making both in numbers and ideas for representing women’s interests. In this regard, this thesis searches for answers for two essential questions: how has the pro-Kurdish party politics been feminized and what difference has been made in pro-Kurdish politics since women are increasingly taking part in decision-making processes. Thus, this study assesses whether descriptive representation links to women's substantive representation in pro-Kurdish politics. The examination of Kurdish women’s representation based on the feminizing politics approach does not only theoretically contribute to broaden the scope of feminizing politics but it also broadens the scope of the concepts of descriptive and substantive representation included in this approach. In this respect, this thesis will demonstrate that the analysis of the Kurdish women case in the context of feminizing politics presents several insights about the women‘s political representation and put forth how political parties and actors strategically interact in changing women‘s political representation.

Writing is critical to two main anthropological goals: to communicate useful knowledge about humanity and society; and to stimulate interest, discussion, and action on issues that are of societal import. To achieve these goals anthropologists must write in accessible styles for diverse audiences. In this paper, we review the work of five popular nonfiction writers to determine the extent to which their approachable writing styles are compatible with anthropological rigor and nuance. While none of these authors meets all of our hopes for anthropological analysis, each does manage to blend some elements of scholarship with a readable style. We therefore highlight some of their stylistic approaches in the hope that these might help anthropologists engage more effectively in public debate.

My thesis concerns how architecture can actively participate in processes of community-formation without reducing its creative processes to the oppositional tensions, prejudices and instrumentality of conventional left/right or bottom-up/top-down politics, “two poles of the same governmental machine.” By elaborating the architect as craftsman-author, my thesis explores Community and processes of political and poetic Representation. It is critical towards the biopolitics of governance. Theorisation is drawn principally from the political philosophy of critical theory, phenomenology and hermeneutics. My thesis promotes the architecture of “unavowable community.” Rather than forming communities by grouping likenesses together, and architecture forming their limits to either secure self-sufficiency or protect against insufficiency, architecture is tasked with finding methodologies for delimiting community-formation based on affirmative views of incompleteness and insufficiency. It is arranged in three Sections: Section I sets out the political and representational ground from which the investigation into community begins – it is a brief investigation into historical processes of forming community; Section II sets out possibilities for rethinking community – it is an investigation that shifts questions of craftsmanship, authorship, politics and representation from the search for appropriate community form to processes for becoming community; Section III is an investigation into the processes of craftsmanship and authorship directed towards the unpredictable but nonetheless “coming community” – it sets out a methodology for how an architect might go about proposing community.

This thesis investigates the politics of representation of Indigenous peoples in Canadian media. Using a case study of the 2011 housing crisis at Attawapiskat First Nation, I argue that emergency on reserve is constructed as Indigenous failure in mainstream print media and that these discourses work to construct a racialized national imaginary. Canadians are produced as benevolent through learning about Indigenous failure, and through their own capacity to assist and care for them. I have argued that this is a nation building practice of settler colonialism; it is inextricably linked to reclaiming ownership of land, and manufacturing legitimacy for the Canadian nation. This thesis traces these constructions through both mainstream, and alternative and independent media, and follows how these discourses invite white Settlers into a position of racial superiority. Examining ideas of goodness and innocence that condition Canadian identity, I offer strategies and limitations for anti-colonial engagement with Indigenous emergency.

This thesis investigates the politics of representation of Indigenous peoples in Canadian media. Using a case study of the 2011 housing crisis at Attawapiskat First Nation, I argue that emergency on reserve is constructed as Indigenous failure in mainstream print media and that these discourses work to construct a racialized national imaginary. Canadians are produced as benevolent through learning about Indigenous failure, and through their own capacity to assist and care for them. I have argued that this is a nation building practice of settler colonialism; it is inextricably linked to reclaiming ownership of land, and manufacturing legitimacy for the Canadian nation. This thesis traces these constructions through both mainstream, and alternative and independent media, and follows how these discourses invite white Settlers into a position of racial superiority. Examining ideas of goodness and innocence that condition Canadian identity, I offer strategies and limitations for anti-colonial engagement with Indigenous emergency.

This dissertation focuses on the representation of Ecuadorians in Spain between 2000 and 2015 in literature, film and the press. After enduring a decade of economic, climatic, and political problems, more than 175,000 Ecuadorians emigrated to Spain in 2001 alone (Herrera 2005). This process marked the beginning of a major migratory movement which has caused Spain to become a premier destination. The response to such migration has been disparate, yet both Ecuadorian and Spanish artists as well as the Spanish press have shown the different perspectives related to a discriminatory ideology. This dissertation focuses on three cultural products and three press articles which are analyzed using the theories of Critical Discourse Analysis developed by scholars Teun Van Dijk (1998, 1999, 2007, 2009) and Antonio Bañón Hernández (2002, 2003, 2006, 2008). On one hand, the dissertation examines the novels La utopía de Madrid (2013) by Carlos Carrión and Nunca pasa nada (2007) by José Ovejero, as well as the movie Prometeo deportado (2010) by Fernando Mieles; on the other, it focuses on three articles published in 1999, 2011, and 2014 respectively by El País, La Vanguardia, and El Mundo which present the Ecuadorian population as a main character. Finally, the conclusion provides an understanding of how the creation of these products has shaped an ideology in Spaniards’ minds throughout the years and what needs to be addressed in order to obtain equal social status among native and minority groups.

Jean-Luc Godard and Jean-Pierre Gorin made in 1970 a “political film politically” about the Palestinian Revolution, Jusqu’à la victoire, which remained unfinished. Under the framework of their audio-visual research project, Sonimage, Godard edited the Palestinian footage with Anne-Marie Miéville. Working through the collapse of the revolutionary project, imaging the Palestinian resistance became a matter of the restitution of speech to the absent and to the dead Palestinians – to whom, as Godard laments self-critically in the film, they had not listened to. Godard’s and Miéville’s compass for action was reconfigured as “audiovisual journalism,” addressing the changing conditions in political engagement, challenging the mediatization of mediation prompted by the Leftist utopian belief in the emancipatory potential of the media. The hegemonic discourse circulating within Leftist intellectual culture abandoned the iconic referent of “The Revolution,” which became the fatal harbinger of totalitarianism. Since then, Third World subjects have been figured as terrorists or victims who are incapable of determining themselves politically, or to “develop” economically. Such a turn has given leeway to new models of engagement and emancipation that account for the real of reality, embedded in the non-discourse of rights or counter-memory, while beckoning for a politics of infinite restitution. Godard returned to the Palestine Question thirty years later in Notre musique, by stopping-over in post-war Sarajevo, a place where it became possible for Godard to host a gathering of the Trojan poets and storytellers of sorts. Reconciliation and rehabilitation are the reverse-shot of a world of violent ethnic strife evidencing the futility of the politization of forgiveness. By way of a montage, Godard vouches for the mobilization of the powers of the false in order to save the real. The beautiful becomes necessary to “cover” memories of catastrophe. The aesthetico-political task is the regulation of the distance between the viewer and the screen. The conditions are the belief in images, faith and the desire to see as our links to the world. Within the pervasiveness of the hyperreal and culture, which Godard equates to ruins, the exiles and vanquished call for the exception, which is art.

Jean-Luc Godard and Jean-Pierre Gorin made in 1970 a “political film politically” about the Palestinian Revolution, Jusqu’à la victoire, which remained unfinished. Under the framework of their audio-visual research project, Sonimage, Godard edited the Palestinian footage with Anne-Marie Miéville. Working through the collapse of the revolutionary project, imaging the Palestinian resistance became a matter of the restitution of speech to the absent and to the dead Palestinians – to whom, as Godard laments self-critically in the film, they had not listened to. Godard’s and Miéville’s compass for action was reconfigured as “audiovisual journalism,” addressing the changing conditions in political engagement, challenging the mediatization of mediation prompted by the Leftist utopian belief in the emancipatory potential of the media. The hegemonic discourse circulating within Leftist intellectual culture abandoned the iconic referent of “The Revolution,” which became the fatal harbinger of totalitarianism. Since then, Third World subjects have been figured as terrorists or victims who are incapable of determining themselves politically, or to “develop” economically. Such a turn has given leeway to new models of engagement and emancipation that account for the real of reality, embedded in the non-discourse of rights or counter-memory, while beckoning for a politics of infinite restitution. Godard returned to the Palestine Question thirty years later in Notre musique, by stopping-over in post-war Sarajevo, a place where it became possible for Godard to host a gathering of the Trojan poets and storytellers of sorts. Reconciliation and rehabilitation are the reverse-shot of a world of violent ethnic strife evidencing the futility of the politization of forgiveness. By way of a montage, Godard vouches for the mobilization of the powers of the false in order to save the real. The beautiful becomes necessary to “cover” memories of catastrophe. The aesthetico-political task is the regulation of the distance between the viewer and the screen. The conditions are the belief in images, faith and the desire to see as our links to the world. Within the pervasiveness of the hyperreal and culture, which Godard equates to ruins, the exiles and vanquished call for the exception, which is art.

The aim of this work was to investigate the language politics adopted in Brazil, concerning the teaching of Portuguese as a Foreign Language (PFL), and discuss its effects on the reception of international exchange students in undergraduate and graduate courses, at a Federal University in Minas Gerais. A documentary and a field research of qualitative nature was carried out in order to investigate the politics of representation regarding the PFL and the processes of identification of foreign students with the referred language, as well as the possible impacts that a \"shy\" PFL teaching policy may have in relation to the identification processes of foreign students with the portuguese language. Data was gathered through questionnaires and interviews with students, teachers and the coordinator of a portuguese course held during two semesters at the referred university. The hypothesis that guided our research was partly confirmed, at least in regards to the institution investigated. We noted that the lack of a clearly established policy for the PFL teaching seemed to make it difficult for foreign students to develop an identification process with the portuguese language. Data also showed that, due to the new status of the English language in the world, Brazil s current language politics has taken the language as an intermediary tool for the reception of foreign students and, consequently, there has not been a clearly established policy for PFL teaching. / O objetivo geral deste trabalho é investigar as políticas linguísticas adotadas no Brasil, no que se refere ao ensino de Português como Língua Estrangeira (PLE), e discutir seus efeitos na recepção dos estudantes estrangeiros intercambistas, nos cursos de graduação e de pósgraduação, de uma universidade federal de Minas Gerais. Para tanto, realizamos uma pesquisa documental e uma de campo, de natureza qualitativa, discutindo os dados amparados no arcabouço teórico da Linguística Crítica e da Pragmática. Na pesquisa documental, buscamos por documentos sobre o ensino de PLE implantados pelo governo federal e, na pesquisa de campo, consultamos, por meio de entrevistas e de questionários abertos, os estudantes, professores e coordenadores de um curso de PLE oferecido pela instituição pesquisada. Refletimos, nesse trabalho, sobre as políticas de representação concernentes ao PLE e sobre os processos de identificação com essa língua, bem como sobre os possíveis impactos que uma política \"tímida\" de ensino de PLE pode ter em relação aos processos de identificação dos estrangeiros com a língua portuguesa. A hipótese que norteou nossa investigação pareceu se confirmar parcialmente, porque, pelo menos no que tange à instituição investigada, notamos que a falta de uma política claramente estabelecida para o ensino de PLE pareceu dificultar que os estudantes estrangeiros tivessem a chance de desenvolver processos de identificação com a língua portuguesa. Os dados mostraram que, em razão do novo status da língua inglesa diante do mundo (World English, tal como defendido por Rajagopalan, 2012), a atual política linguística brasileira tem tomado esse idioma como a língua de intermediação para o acolhimento de estudantes estrangeiros, e consequentemente, não tem havido uma política claramente estabelecida para o ensino de PLE. / Mestre em Estudos Linguísticos

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