(in English): Main goal of this diploma is to analyze the relationship between populism and representative democracy. The theoretical part of my work is researching populism as a vague concept and determining its minimal definition and esential constituents (I have declined the possibility that populism is only anti-essentialy formed attitude/phenomenon). In the analytical part I've studied the relationship between populism and representative democracy, and defined drawbacks of this uneasy coexistence. However I believe that representative democracy can't be successfully fulfiled without this phenomenon and I have also found not only positive moments of this relationship - I assume that populism is necessary supplement of representative democracy.

Diese Untersuchung beschäftigt sich in erster Linie mit der Frage, welche metaphorischen Muster in der öffentlichen Kommunikation deutscher Populisten zu finden sind. Hierfür wurden Pressetexte der Partei Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) auf der Basis der systematischen Metaphernanalyse nach Lakoff & Johnson untersucht. Den wissenschaftlichen Arbeitsrahmen hierfür bietet ein qualitativ-sozialwissenschaftliches Forschungsdesign. Die Analyse ergab 24 signifikante metaphorische Konzepte, die im Ergebnisteil der Arbeit dargestellt und anhand interpretativer Ansätze diskutiert werden. Außerdem wird anlässlich der abschließenden Diskussion erörtert, inwiefern das Wissen über metaphorischen Sprachgebrauch zur Verbesserung des politischen Dialogs beitragen kann.:Inhaltsverzeichnis 1 Einleitung (6) 2 Forschungsfrage und Forschungsinteresse (8) 3 Definitorisches Vorverständnis von Populismus (9) 3.1. Merkmale von Populismus (9) 3.2. Populismus und (Rechts-)populismus (10) 3.3. Populismus - Ursachen für einen Trend (10) 3.4. (Rechts-)populismus und Rechtsextremismus (11) 3.5. (Rechts-)populismus im Web 2.0 (12) 3.6. Umgang mit Populismus (13) 4 Forschungsrelevante Studien (14) 4.1. Metaphern des Staates (14) 4.2. Metaphern der Migration und Fremdenfeindlichkeit (15) 4.3. Metaphern der US-Außenpolitik - Held, Unhold und Opfer (16) 4.4. Alltagsmetaphern im politischen Kontext (16) 5 (Sozial-)psychologische Vorüberlegungen (17) 5.1. Die Rolle der Metapher in der politischen Sprache (17) 5.2. Politisches Framing (18) 5.3. Konfliktforschung (19) 5.4. Soziale Kategorisierung und Stereotypisierung (20) 5.5. Die Sündenbocktheorie (21) 5.6. Gruppenprozesse und Identität (21) 6 Theoretischer Hintergrund der systematischen Metaphernanalyse (22) 6.1. Doppelte Verortung der systematischen Metaphernanalyse (22) 6.2. Allgemeines zu Metaphern (23) 6.3. Metaphorisches Konzept (23) 6.4. Metaphern generierende Schemata (24) 6.5. Metapher und kulturelle Kohärenz (25) 6.6. Hiding und Highlighting (25) 6.7. Kritische Auseinandersetzung (26) 7 Stichprobenbeschreibung und Forschungsdesign (26) 7.1. Forschungsdesign (26) 7.2. Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) - Gegenstand der Untersuchung (27) 7.3. Auswahl der Stichprobe (27) 8 Systematische Metaphernanalyse als Erhebungs- und Auswertungsmethode (28) 8.1. Identifizierung des Zielbereichs der Metaphernanalyse (29) 8.2. Unsystematische Sammlung von Hintergrundmetaphern (29) 8.3. Systematische Analyse einer Subgruppe (29) 8.4. Interpretationen der Ergebnisse (29) 8.5. Methoden-Triangulation (30) 8.6. Darstellung der Ergebnisse (30) 9 Darstellung der Ergebnisse (30) 9.1. Zur Darstellung der Ergebnisse (30) 9.2. Metaphern der Flut (31) 9.3. Metaphern von Chaos und Ordnung (33) 9.4. Metaphern der Kriminalität (35) 9.5. Metaphern der Klarheit (37) 9.6. Metaphern der Architektur (39) 9.7. Metaphern der Last (42) 9.8. Metaphern des Theaters (45) 9.9. Metaphern des Weges (48) 9.10. Metaphern des Behälters (51) 9.11. Metaphern der Krankheit (52) 9.12. Metaphern des Krieges (55) 9.13. Metaphern der Ökonomie (59) 9.14. Metaphern der Personifikation (63) 10.1. Gütekriterien (63) 10.2. Zusammenfassung der Ergebnisse (65) 10.3. Einbettung in den Forschungskontext (67) 10.4. (Sozial-)psychologische Diskussion (69) 10.5. Grenzen dieser Analyse (71) 10.6. Bilanz und empirischer Ausblick (71) 11Literaturverzeichnis (74) 12 Abkürzungsverzeichnis (80) 13 Eidesstattliche Erklärung 82 Anhang (83)

Verrohung der Sprache, Vernetzung mit Rechtsradikalen, Unterminierungs- oder Umsturzversuche in liberalen Demokratien: Die jüngere Geschichte des Populismus zeigt, dass er längst nicht mehr bloß als ästhetisches Problem behandeln werden kann. Welche systemimmanenten Widersprüche der populistischen Mobilmachung gegen “Eliten” zugrunde liegen und wie sich davon ausgehende Implikationen manifestieren, wird anhand der Finanz- und „Migrationskrise“ sowie der autoritären Regression Ungarns analysiert.

This article outlines a critical systems theory approach to the study of populism by arguing that populism is an avenue of contestation which assumes a distinct role and function in the existing constitution of the political system. Most notably, it is characterised by the re-entry of a popular sovereignty dimension within regular political procedures. By taking up a critical systems theory perspective, it becomes possible to more precisely distinguish populism from other forms of politics, such as oppositional politics, social movement politics or procedural constitutional politics. Further, populism’s oscillation between democratic and authoritarian dynamics can be elucidated as an inversion which operates from within its political form. Finally, it is argued that the critical systems theory approach provides a more nuanced understanding of populism’s inherent problems and, consequently, moves beyond a blunt defence or rejection of populism as such.

Zugl.: Göttingen, Univ., Diss., 2006 u.d.T.: Wirtschaftspopulismus : die Instrumentalisierung von Arbeitslosigkeit in Bundestagswahlkämpfen. Eine Analyse der Bundestagswahlkämpfe 1994, 1998 und 2002 am Beispiel des Themas Arbeitslosigkeit. / Literaturverz. S. 165 - 172

This diploma thesis is focused on the analysis of the political communication of two politicians in the Czech Republic: from the "ANO 2011" was chosen Andrej Babiš, and for the "SPD" was chosen, Tomio Okamura. The communication of selected politicians was examined on the social network "Facebook", which is the most commonly used social network among Czech politicians. The above-mentioned politicians use the new internet platforms relatively more than other politicians. Therefore, the author of this diploma thesis assumes that there will be in their communication present some new forms of political communication. Based on the defined criteria, which arose from the theoretical part of the thesis, a detailed analysis of the political communication of both politicians is performed and then compared. The political communication was examined based on the content of posts, the sound of shared posts, the form of the communication, the relevance of the shared messages, and the argumentation strategy. The shared posts were also assessed whether they are populist and if there are elements of personalization in the communication of Andrej Babiš and Tomio Okamura. This work aims to find out whether the elements defined above are used in the Facebook communication of the above-mentioned politicians.

This diploma thesis analyzes the coalition ties that have been established within the anti- Islamic scene in the Czech Republic. The analysis includes the most important counter- Islamic entities in the Czech Republic, namely the National Democracy, the Workers' Party of Social Justice, Dusk and its followers, and the Bloc against Islam and its followers. The theoretical basis of the thesis is the theory of coalitions. The aim of the thesis is to answer the questions why the anti-Islamic subjects of the coalition or other forms of co-operation follow up and why they do not follow them, even if they are offered because of their situation. Another aim of the thesis is to point out the possibility of using part of the theoretical approaches of the theory of coalition with certain modifications to the specific environment of the anti-Islamic scene in the Czech Republic, which is quite different from the national environment, for which the concepts of coalition theory were predominantly created. The thesis is divided into two parts. The theoretical part introduces theoretical concepts and approaches that have been used in the work. The second, empirical, part presents the development of individual subjects and, above all, the established coalition ties and cooperation. The last chapter summarizes the...

The increasing popularity of populist parties in Europe, demonstrated in particular by their electoral success, is attracting increasing attention from the academic community. Although the phenomenon of populism is nothing new and has already been reviewed from a number of different perspectives, it still represents a diverse field for deeper analysis. The thesis deals with the case of the French National Front and its changes during its most successful election campaigns, that is in the presidential elections in 2002 and 2017. Specifically, the thesis also focuses on political communication and especially on the change it has gone through at its management level. By comparing the performance of both leaders and their agenda, the work allows a closer insight into the problem of transforming the ideological base as well as the ways of political communication. The outcome of this work is the analysis comparing the election campaign of Jean-Marie Le Pen and his daughter Marine, the current party leader. The work also contributes to the debate around dédiabolisation, or the de-demonization of the National Front launched under the leadership of Marine Le Pen.

(in English): This thesis deals with the phenomenon of populism on examples from contemporary France. Regarding the complexity of the concept and also the fact that scholars couldn't find a consensus on its definition, the author decided to examine it through Ernesto Laclau`s theory of populism which centers the construction of the people. Being oriented in French modern history and politics, the author chose for her analysis the current political movements - La France Insoumise and the National Front, which are discourses are centered on the construction of the people. Within the period between 2016 and 2018, she observed the way in which the notion of the people was constructed by the main representatives of both movements (especially the chairman of the National Front Marine Le Pen and the chairman of La France Insoumise Jean-Luc Mélenchon) with the aim to trace whether these movements differed and what role their leaders played. To illustrate her discourse analysis, the author conducted several semi-structured interviews with activists of the investigated movements and participated in organized public events. She concludes that there exists a difference between the construction of the people by National Front and by La France Insoumise same as their leaders often disagree with its activist...

In this paper, the question of whether Christian preaching is implicated in the growing movement of populism is posed. The paper has identified three critical issues that call for investigation in homiletical hermeneutics. The first issue addresses the problem of biblical interpretation for homiletic practice. The second issue has to do with the impact of social media that often distorts the truth. Alarming dependence on the smart phone suggests that the task of the preacher in this rapidly changing visual and high tech culture is to deliver sermons that are critically aware of visual culture rather than literary culture. Finally, the paper calls for an approach to preaching that seeks to reveal missing, hidden and distorted truth as a way to speak against the demonic power of the profit-driven capitalism and the epidemic of gender-based violence against women and sexual minorities.