This thesis analyzes the process of European Defence Industry&#039 / s restructuring and consolidation process in accordance with the emerging Post-Cold War period transformation requirements. To achieve this aim it investigates the process in terms of the European Defence Industrial Base on the one hand and international level of convergence efforts on the other. It demonstrates drivers of change for the defence industry, namely / the narrowing budgets, changing relationship between state and defence industry, importance of technological achievements, rise of civil sector and internationalization of national defence firms. Regarding the restructuring and consolidation process the thesis examines behavior of firms in terms of merger and/or acquisition... etc activities in order to adopt the Post-Cold War transformations. Moreover, due to its significance of being regarded as the first true attempt of creating a transnational defence sector identity the EADS is also investigated. Also it deals with the institutional level of convergence efforts mainly in terms of NATO, EU, WEU/WEAO and OCCAR. To provide a comparative framework, the US defence industry and its impact on the European counterpart is examined

The White Terror in Taiwan was a 43-year period during which the Kuomintang (KMT) regime, with significant support from the United States during the Cold War era, persecuted its political opponents, imprisoning tens of thousands of people and executing some 1200. In the wake of democratisation since the 1980s, Taiwan has instituted a scheme of transitional justice to acknowledge and atone for the past political oppression and to promote national reconciliation. As this initiative was undertaken by the same regime that perpetrated the White Terror, questions of objectivity and transparency arise. Accordingly, this thesis aims to assess the progress of transitional justice in Taiwan by examining the official discourse on the subject and also analysing the non-official discourses amongst survivors of the White Terror in present-day Taiwan. Tensions between the different discourses are identified. This thesis focuses on the construction of the past in the present, which refers to contestation of the past in the context of present-day society in Taiwan. Drawing on discursive analysis of Taiwan’s transitional justice initiatives since the late 1990s, as well as in-depth interviews with 24 former political prisoners, it discerns how the official transitional justice discourse is circumscribed and limits our knowledge of the White Terror. Since the implied fall of communism, the aim of reconciliation has not embraced the former socialists and communists at the global level, enabling the KMT government to elude accountability in its transitional justice efforts by rationalising the White Terror in the name of anti-communism. As a result, Taiwan’s socialist dissidents remain stigmatised in the official discourse, which offers redress only to those individuals who disassociate themselves with subversion and identify as ‘political victims’. This restriction in the official discourse suggests that the government wishes to reconcile only with those who were ‘innocent’ of treason. By the same token, the identity of White Terror victims is de-politicised, distorting the content of their trauma and shame and their survivorhood in present-day Taiwan. Informants’ non-official discourses, which point up the contradictions in the government discourse, reveal that survivors tend to feel profound shame owing to the failure of their political projects, viewing themselves as inept revolutionaries. Much of their interest in transitional justice lies in seeking opportunities to advocate for the causes to which they still adhere. Thus, their identity as survivors is focused less on persecution than on sustaining their political activism in the era of reconciliation. Thus, the tension between the official and non-official transitional justice discourses in Taiwan is not only a contestation of the past but, more profoundly, a contestation of the vision for the nation’s future.

This thesis analyzes the US response to the 1994 Rwandan genocide. It argues that in 1994, the US was retooling its stance on humanitarian intervention because of the disastrous US-led Operation Gothic Serpent in Somalia in 1993. Therefore, the American response to the genocide in Rwanda became a casualty of Washington’s reassessment of its humanitarian intervention policy in the 1990s. The reason behind the US adoption of a more muscular humanitarian intervention policy was due in part to the end of the Cold War in 1991. Thus, the US was able to focus on other issues in international affairs, such as human security, which became a focal point of George H.W Bush’s New World Order. This policy plan outlined areas in which the US could assist the world with human rights issues through cooperation with the United Nations. In 1993, the Clinton Administration expanded the principles of Bush’s New World Order to create a muscular American foreign policy platform that imposed US domestic ideas of human rights on international affairs. Subsequent polarizing events would force the US to retreat from humanitarian intervention. This resulted in a new, lukewarm approach to humanitarian intervention by the Clinton Administration. The new cautious approach to humanitarian intervention affected the US response to the genocide in Rwanda. This thesis aims to reassess how the US reacted to this particular genocide.

No description available.

“I know not with what weapons World War III will be fought, but World War IV will be fought with sticks and stones.” ― Albert Einstein Today we live in very interesting times for researchers but at the same time very dangerous for the whole human existence and our planet. Today we mostly consume information from big news companies controlled by huge corporations whose actions threaten the population’s misleading due to the simplified and one-sided narratives. Unfortunately, most of them are becoming very mainstream and even propagandistic. Nowadays it can be said not only about traditionally propagandist Russian ones but also about previously rather neutral and quite independent media in the USA, EU, and other Western countries. Today’s mainstream media outlets more and more often provide us (news consumers) with simplified and not objective information which is often based on somebody’s opinion-based evaluations or judgments and less on original data and documents. This extremely dangerous tendency in the modern world should be researched and analyzed to prevent further backsliding into a militaristic and war-oriented agenda and propaganda.  We already live in extremely dangerous times according to the doomsday clock which was established by the father of nuclear weapons Albert Einstein. The world is currently 90 seconds apart from Armageddon. It is the closest it has ever been. To prevent misleading and understand the full complexity of the problems we face today we must investigate the primary sources such as original documents of post-Cold War in order to follow the sequence of events that led us to the new ongoing Cold War 2.0. Only by doing so can it be possible to get a more complex but completer and more logical picture of today’s reality as well as to understand how those reasons, events, and people listed in this thesis led us to the current state of unprecedented crisis. Everything has a reason, thus those prerequisites will be analyzed and discovered with the aim of understanding how the soft, smart, and hard powers with the combination of a realist theory have influenced post-Cold War policies and developments which led humanity to the verge of a nuclear catastrophe once again but with even more dangerous and unpredictable variables than couple decades before. Regardless of all the information presented in this thesis, the Russian war in Ukraine is criminal and has no justification as well as those responsible individuals.

No / The analysis of armed conflict in the post Cold War era has been profoundly influenced by neoclassical economists. Statistical approaches have generated important propositions, but there is a danger when these feed into policy prescriptions. This paper first compares the economics of civil war literature with the social movement literature which has also tried to explain collective action problems. It argues that the latter has a much more sophisticated set of conceptual tools, enriched by empirical study. The paper then uses the case of multipolar militarization in oil-rich Casanare, Colombia, to demonstrate complexity and contingency in civil war trajectories. State policy failure and civil actors can be an important source of explanation alongside the economic agendas of armed actors.

Student Number : 0420292V - MA research report - School of International Relations - Faculty of Humanities / The transformation of the political economy after the Cold War, and particularly the introduction of the knowledge economy and the successful liberation of a group of developing countries, has made a considerable impact on the trading patterns in the global economy. It has also revolutionised the processes of manufacturing, production and consumption. These economic changes have had significant consequences for the countries of the developing world, making the possibility of coalition-building between the countries of the Southern core more feasible, and in this way bringing about fundamental alterations in the political economy of the international system. However, the economic co-operation that takes place in the South is uneven and advances the interests of semi-peripheral states such as India, South Africa and Brazil, giving rise to new patterns of collaboration.

This project examines the foreign policy rhetoric of Bill Clinton in the post-Cold War world. My reading of Clinton’s rhetoric reveals that a change/order binary underwrote his oratory. Clinton defined change as being the underlying guidepost of the post-Cold War international setting. Order was defined through how he could guide, shape, direct, and manage American foreign policy in a sea of change, represented through his use of what I call America’s foreign policy vocabulary. This lexicon is based on three rhetorical components—the definitions of America’s role in the world, identification of the enemies we face, and the grand strategy we use to achieve American interest—have been a resource for presidential foreign policy discourse since America’s founding. Clinton’s use of this vocabulary maintained continuity in its use with his predecessors, but he also modified it in key ways to deal with the changes of the global environment. These modifications positioned Clinton to direct and manage the change to serve American interests which offered a semblance of order for American foreign policy in a sea of international disorder.

Orientador: Samuel Alves Soares / Banca: Nizar Messari / Banca: Margarida Maria de Carvalho / Resumo: O objetivo desta pesquisa é analisar a concepção e a conformação da cultura da paz, enquanto conceito e programa de ação das Nações Unidas, no cenário internacional da década de 1990, e o significado do referido conceito frente à axiologia da paz. Os anos de 1989, que simboliza o término da Guerra Fria, e o de 2001, com a declaração da "guerra ao terrorismo", pelo presidente dos Estados Unidos, demarcam o período delineado para a análise desenvolvida, pois permitem a configuração de um período com características semelhantes no que concerne ao predomínio da cooperação internacional e da multilateralidade, à recorrência de grandes conferências internacionais, no âmbito das Nações Unidas, e de reformulações teóricas e práticas no mandato das operações de paz, ensejando um ambiente normativo propício para a criação do conceito e do programa cultura da paz, conforme constatado. Quanto à análise do conceito de cultura da paz frente aos demais significados da paz, empreende-se, nesta pesquisa, análises histórico-analíticas que abrangem desde a concepção tradicional de paz enquanto ausência de guerras, quanto uma análise pormenorizada do conceito de cultura da paz / Abstract: The objective of this research is to analyze the conception and the conformation of culture of peace as a concept and action programme of the United Nations, within the international scene during the 1990s, and the meaning of such concept regarding the axiology of peace studies. The years of 1989 - considered a symbol of the end of the Cold War - and 2001 - with the declaration of "war on terrorism" by the president of the United States - are the historical references for this research due to some particular characteristics of the period of time between these two years. Such period of time can be described as a decade when international cooperation and multilateratelism were predominant in the international system, when worldwide international conferences within the United Nations regularly occurred and when there were major alterations regarding the mandate and practices in peace operations. All these facts generated a period that can be described as a normative environment, in which the concept and the action programme on culture of peace could be developed. The concept of culture of peace is therefore analyzed in a historical-analytical framework that made it possible to consider from the traditional perspective of peace - as the absence of wars - to the meaning of culture of peace / Mestre

[pt] A América do Sul é uma região cuja anarquia internacional contemporaneamente não apresenta mais um estado de anarquia marcado pelo dilema de segurança. Saber se essa sociedade internacional obteve uma mudança pacífica a ponto de superar este dilema e atingir uma comunidade pluralista de segurança é o problema de pesquisa desta tese. Isso requer o entendimento deste conceito, bem como a constatação da presença de seus elementos constitutivos na região sul-americana. Para responder a esta pergunta, o trabalho foi dividido em duas partes, a primeira de natureza teórica e a segunda de caráter empírico. Cada uma tem dois capítulos. No primeiro capítulo da parte teórica, expõe-se a revisão da literatura sobre comunidades de segurança e, no segundo capítulo, faz-se uma revisão da literatura relativa à segurança internacional na região. Quanto à parte empírica, seu primeiro capítulo foi destinado a traçar um perfil da ordem sulamericana durante a Guerra Fria antes da hipotética emergência de uma comunidade de segurança na região. Já no quarto capítulo demonstra-se seu possível surgimento e consolidação no pós-Guerra Fria. O método comparativo é usado para cotejar esses dois períodos, de modo a captar uma possível transição para uma comunidade de segurança. Conclui-se que, após a guerra fria, não se pode dizer ainda que a América do Sul apresenta todos os elementos de uma Comunidade de Segurança madura, mas se encontra em estágio ascendente. / [en] South America is a region which international anarchy presently does not show a condition marked by the security dilemma anymore. To assess to what extent this international society has obtained a peaceful change up to a point of overcoming this dilemma and achieving a pluralistic security community condition is the research problem of this thesis. It requires the comprehension of this concept, as well as the assessment of its constitutive elements in the South- American region. To answer this question, the thesis has been divided in two parts, the first of theoretical nature and the second of empirical character. Each of them has two chapters. In the first chapter of the theoretical part, one exposes the literature review on security communities. In the second chapter, one makes a literature review of the international security relatively to the region. As for the empirical part, its first chapter has been destined to trace the profile of South- American order during the Cold War, before the hypothetical emergence of a security community in the region. In the fourth chapter, one shows its possible emergence and consolidation in the post-Cold War. The comparative method is used to contrast these two periods in order to capture the possible transition to a Security Community. One concludes that, after the Cold War one cannot state that South America has all elements of a Security C ommunity but it is in an emergent stage.