A atividade profissional dos motoboys é um fenômeno urbano bastante recente e cada vez mais integrada à paisagem urbana de São Paulo. Devido ao seu rápido e exponencial crescimento, aliado à dinâmica e a natureza de sua atividade profissional, os motoboys passam a ser alvos certos e constantes nas mais diversas controvérsias no trânsito paulistano. Entrementes, esta pesquisa visa desmistificar o surgimento dessa atividade profissional para além de um sentido de espontaneidade, como também, deslocar o foco de sua dinâmica ligado aos conflitos no trânsito. Mas, antes de tudo, tentar compreender a natureza de sua atividade profissional como produto e necessidade de um contexto histórico de fin de siècle, revelando parte das transformações sócio-espaciais na cidade de São Paulo na transição do século XX para o XXI, encarnando dois pólos de um mesmo problema, a partir da nova condição da cidade e do mundo do trabalho. / The motoboys professional activity is a very recent urban phenomenon and increasingly integrated into the urban landscape of São Paulo. Because of its rapid and exponential growth, allied to the dynamics and nature of its professional activity, 8 they become targets certain and constant in several controversies in traffic in São Paulo. However, this research aims to demystify the emergence of this professional activity beyond a sense of spontaneity, as well as, dislocating the focus of its dynamics on the conflicts in traffic. But, besides all that, try to understand the nature of this professional activity as a product and necessity a historical context of fin de siècle, revealing some of the socio-spatial transformations in Sao Paulo city in the transition from the XX for the XXI century, embodying two poles of the same problem wich are the new condition of the city and the world of work.

Esta tese visa enfocar as consequências do modelo rodoviarista reiterado neste contexto mais contemporâneo, porém esta problemática já ganhava impulso ainda na primeira metade do século XX. O impulso desse processo pode ser representado a partir da década de 1930, com o estabelecimento do Plano de Avenidas, de Prestes Maia, devido à ampliação do crescimento de São Paulo associadoà especulação imobiliária, vinculado à emergência do sistema de ônibus, restringindo as classes trabalhadoras às péssimas condições de transportes. Todavia, é a partir da década de 1960 que esse processo se consolidaria com a chegada das indústrias transnacionais automobilísticas em São Paulo, revelando um caráter sistêmico da expansão urbana do processo de metropolização paulistano, baseado na massificação seletiva do privilégio de circulação dos automóveis no sistema viário, destinada aos grupos sociais de renda média e mais elevada, relegando grupos sociais mais pobres a um sistema de transporte coletivo extremamente precário em periferias cada vez mais distantes das áreas centrais. Esse modelo exacerba-se nos primeiros anos da década de 1990, quando parece sugerir uma crise sistêmica, onde a reiteração do modelo rodoviário aliado a uma nova escala da expansão periférica metropolitana e popularização do transporte individual privado, resultado do advento do carro popular e da motocicleta destinada à classe trabalhadora, que articulado ao aprofundamento da precariedade dos transportes coletivos, vem revelando a mobilidade precária que passa de exceção a regra, pois independentemente da condição social das pessoas, no transporte individual ou no coletivo, elas sofrem os efeitos deletérios da mobilidade cotidiana na metrópole paulistana. / This thesis aims to focus on the consequences of the rodoviarista model reiterated in this more contemporary context, however this issue has gained impulse in the first half of the twentieth century. The impulse of this process can be represented from the 1930s, with the establishment of the Avenues Plan, Prestes Maia, due to the expanding growth of São Paulo associated with real estate speculation, linked to the emergence of the bus system by restricting the working classes to terrible conditions of transport. However, it is from the 1960s that this process would be consolidated with the arrival of transnational automobile industries in São Paulo, revealing a systemic character of the urban expansion of the metropolization process of São Paulo based on the selective massification of the privilege of circulation of cars in the road system, designes to the social groups of middle and higher income, relegating the poor social groups to a system of public transportation extremely precarious in increasingly distant suburb/periphery of the central areas. This model exacerbates itself in the early years of the 1990s, when it seems to suggest a systemic crisis,where the reiteration of the road model associated to the peripheral metropolitan expansion logic receives a new scale and the popularization of the private individual transport, result of the advent of the popular car and motorcycle aimed at the working class, which articulated the deepening of the precariousness of public transportation, comes revealing the poor mobility that passes from exception to the rule, On this account, regardless of the social condition of the people, whether the individual or public transportation, these people suffer the deleterious effects of everyday mobility in metropolis.

No cenário brasileiro atual, em que se consolidam e se intensificam as práticas de políticas públicas no campo da urbanização de assentamentos precários, mostra-se pertinente buscar uma abordagem de intervenção que priorize o planejamento urbano como fio condutor do processo, de modo a possibilitar a qualificação de espaços urbanos que atendam ao interesse público, dando um passo além das soluções primárias para os problemas emergenciais das situações de risco e de provisão de infraestrutura básica. Ao colocar o espaço público no foco da questão, todos os demais componentes de projeto e ação se reposicionam no conjunto da intervenção numa lógica que prioriza o interesse da coletividade, a partir do qual se definem com maior consistência as diretrizes de intervenção. Este estudo busca um caminho pragmático para o enfrentamento deste desafio, construindo uma matriz para avaliação das intervenções de urbanização de assentamentos precários a partir do espaço público. Nela os indicadores agrupam-se nos eixos: inserção social; inserção ambiental; inserção urbana; inserção da moradia; áreas de encontro e lazer; e dinâmica de uso do espaço público, visando à avaliação da inserção dessas localidades e de suas comunidades na cidade consolidada. Dois assentamentos paulistanos foram estudados a partir da metodologia desenvolvida no trabalho: Jardim Iporanga/ Esmeralda (Cidade Dutra, Programa Guarapiranga, 1998/ 2007) para análise dos resultados da implantação, e Favela do Sapé (Rio Pequeno, Programa de Urbanização de Favelas da Prefeitura de São Paulo, obras em andamento em 2011) para análise do processo de projeto. / In the current Brazilian scenario, the practice of public policies is being intensified and reinforced in the environment of precarious settlements. Therefore, it is relevant to seek for an approach of intervention that prioritizes the urban planning as a guiding principle for this process, so as to enable urban spaces to attend public demands and take a step forward to rudimentary solutions for emergency problems on risky situations, offering appropriate basic infrastructure. By placing the public space in the heart of the question, all components of the project and the action are repositioned to prioritize the collective needs, from which intervention directions are more consistently defined. The purpose of this study is to seek a pragmatic way to face this challenge, by creating a matrix for the assessment of urban interventions in precarious settlements, having the public space as a starting point. In this matrix, the indicators are subdivided as follows: social insertion, environmental insertion, urban insertion, housing insertion, meeting and leisure areas, and the dynamic and use of the public space, aiming to evaluate the insertion of those places and its communities in the city. Two settlements in the city of São Paulo, Brazil, were studied with the methodology developed in this study: Jardim Iporanga/ Esmeralda (Cidade Dutra/Guarapiranga Program 1998/ 2007) for the analysis of the results after implementation, and Favela do Sapé (Rio Pequeno, Slums Upgrading Program by the São Paulo Municipal Administration) for the analysis of the process of the project.

La thèse porte sur les conditions de vie des personnes sans domicile hébergées dans des structures d'accueil de jour et/ou de nuit. Elle documente, questionne et analyse ce que signifie habiter quand on est sans domicile. Elle repose sur une enquête ethnographique,par observations et par entretiens, menée dans trois structures choisies en raison de leurs caractéristiques différentes. Il s'agit d'explorer et de comparer le vécu des résidents en se focalisant sur l'hébergement mais aussi en prenant en compte les espaces extérieurs à celui-ci comme ceux habités précédemment. La perspective adoptée dans la thèse donne à voir aussi bien les fortes contraintes subies par les hébergés que les ressources activées dans ces situations, comme la possibilité de s'approprier les lieux, d'aider ses pairs et de s'organiser collectivement. Par ailleurs, elle se place dans le monde de la matérialité et du quotidien, en prenant en compte, par exemple, l'ensemble des temps ou des moments vécus par les résidents, qu'ils soient ordinaires (se laver, déjeuner),transgressifs (voler, boire de l'alcool) ou exceptionnels (fêter un anniversaire). La thèse raconte la chronique du vécu des résidents dans chaque hébergement. Ce faisant, il est possible de saisir les spécificités des trois structures. Elle met en lumière,grâce à une analyse thématique, les trois dimensions qui structurent l'expérience des résidents, à savoir : l'espace privatif, la cohabitation et le temps. Elle montre que chacune a son importance et peut jouer un rôle dans le processus conduisant à « s'en sortir », ce dernier étant essentiel à dégager et à expliquer afin de souligner que la situation des personnes sans domicile n'est pas irréversible.La première partie de la thèse est méthodologique. Elle expose la démarche d'enquête,les options théoriques retenues et la construction du questionnement. La seconde partie correspond à la chronique de la vie quotidienne des hébergés et la troisième propose une analyse micro-sociologique et comparative des situations observées. / The thesis is about the living conditions of the homeless people taken in day, night, day and night shelters. It provides information, enquiries and analyses on what living in a place means when one is homeless. At the root of the thesis is an ethnographical enquiry, consisting in observations and interviews, which were carried out in three different shelters, selected for their different features. The purpose is to explore and compare the quality of !ife of the residents, focusing on their housing conditions but also taking into account the existing outside areas neighbouring the shelters and those the homeless used previously. The angle chosen in the dissertation shows the huge constraints the residents have to bear as well as the resources injected into those situations, like the possibility for the residents to take over the place, to help fellow residents,and to organize collectively. Besides, it delves into the actua] material conditions, and the problems of everyday !ife, taking into account all the different stages and moments the residents live, whether they are ordinary, infringements, or out of the ordinary. A detailed account of the residents' lives in each reception centre is provided. Doing this enables us to understand the parlicularities of the three homes. Thanks to a thematic analysis, it displays the three aspects that structure the residents' experiences, namely : a private space, co-living with others, and time. The point is to show that each has its importance and can play a part in the process of "getting out' oftheir difficult situation.

Reverberating architecture exists through the echoes of its creative or architectural image. It is an architecture where the being of that architectural image reverberates and is felt throughout the whole transformative process until its echoes engage with the inner experience of the onlooker. These reverberations might impact the onlooker in such a way that it provokes a new architectural image within him or her. My design thinking was very much influenced by this thesis theme, as well as the concept of an indoor-outdoor system that intertwines. The concept is to design an outdoor recreational equipment centre with speciality shops for mountain biking, kayaking and canoeing, hiking and climbing. This retail complex varies from conventional retail centres in that it is an interactive retail store. This implies that the equipment can be tried before purchasing it. The architecture and the extreme sport activities [climbing, the mountain bike track and the kayak and canoe channel] would be used as communicating devices for specific brands. A precarious balance was needed between the plan, the architecture and the extreme sports existing within the architecture. Therefore a language was developed where by architecture not only responded to the site, but also with the movement happening in and around the site. / Dissertation (MArch (Prof))--University of Pretoria, 2005. / Architecture / unrestricted

The disparity in frequency of orgasms between men and heterosexual women has been linked qualitatively to women purposefully not communicating their sexual needs in order to preserve their partner’s masculinity. In two studies I experimentally evaluated this relationship, sampling heterosexual undergraduate women. In study 1 (N = 246) I demonstrated that women who imagined not having an orgasm rated an imaginary partner as more insecure in his manhood, relative to women who imagined having an orgasm or going on a dinner date. These perceptions of insecurity mediated the relationship between not having an orgasm and reporting anxiety about hurting their partner’s ego. Additionally, this relationship was moderated by the degree to which women believe manhood must be earned and can be lost through sex. In study 2 (N = 282) I predicted women who imagine a partner who is insecure in his masculinity, relative to imagining a secure partner or a control condition, will be less willing to provide open and honest sexual communication, and this relationship would be mediated by anxiety about their partner’s ego, a relationship moderated by endorsement of precarious manhood beliefs. My analyses did not reveal support for these hypotheses. Implications, limitations and future directions are discussed.

This study focuses on video game developers and their working environments in a growth industry. While some research documents the culture of video games and the people who play them, much less is understood about the labor environment for those who make games. I conducted 20 personal interviews with game developers in order to learn more about what inspired them to select this field, how they gained entry to it, and what their work is like today. Using insights from the interviews, I analyze how workers contend with its male-dominated culture and how creative skilled laborers deal with the challenges of corporate control and precarious work in the new economy.

There has been an increase in literature involving female academic staff on precarious employment contracts and how they balance their work and family lives. However, research involving male academic staff on insecure contracts with children is limited, particularly within the South African context. My thesis addressed this gap by exploring how precariously employed men in higher education institutions in Cape Town understand the concepts of fatherhood, their own practices of fathering, and what influence their employment has on their involvement with their children. Given that precarious employment in higher education institutions is a salient problem in South Africa, this study investigated the ways in which such employment conditions in higher education shape fathering practices. This study was informed by a broader study, which aimed to understand (a) how men in precarious employment in the formal and informal employment sectors define fatherhood, (b) what practices they associate with fathering, and (c) how, if at all, their employment conditions shape their fathering practices. I conducted a qualitative research study using purposive and snowball sampling methods to procure a sample of seven men aged 34 to 57 years old. Data was collected through individual, semi-structured interviews. I used Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis to understand the fathers' experiences. Findings from the study show that fatherhood is constructed through the participants' ability to provide for their families and be responsible role models to their children. Having a good relationship with their children is important for the men, and they establish these relationships by spending time with their children. The findings also show that participants perceived HEIs as exploitative, relying on PhD students who are in the process of establishing their academic careers for teaching purposes. The income received by the men on these non-permanent contracts is not sufficient for them to provide for themselves and their families, and they therefore work multiple jobs so that they can receive a better income. The fathers' experiences also show that precarious employment conditions in higher education institutions enable some fathers to be involved in their children's care due to flexibility in their working hours. However, for some of the men, father and child co-residence was prohibited by migration, resulting in reduced contact with their children.

Highly educated and skilled Indian nationals are the largest recipients of H-1B visas in the US. An employer must be willing to sponsor an H-1B work visa for the worker to continue to live and work in the US. This stipulation has granted US employers unprecedented power over H-1B visa holders, which can be understood as status coercion; employers have state-sanctioned power to threaten or discharge a worker from their status, i.e., visa status, which interconnects work and migration status. While the expansive power of employers to curtail a worker's status is one factor driving the ongoing coercive conditions, the other factor is precarious work. There is a gap in the literature in understanding what occurs at the intersection of status coercion and precarious work, especially within high-skilled information technology (IT) jobs. For instance, how does status coercion operate for employer-sponsored H-1B visa holders? Is it similar for dependent visa workers on H-4 EAD visas that rely on their spouse's H-1B, and F-1 OPT visa workers who have employment authorization from USCIS? Lastly, do these visa workers ever resist status coercion? In this study, I draw on twelve in-depth, semi-structured interviews of Indian nationals in the IT sector on H-1B, F-1 OPT STEM, or H-4 EAD visas. Findings suggest these workers experience greater status coercion than non-visa holders due to their visa status. Also, H-1B, F-1 OPT STEM, and H-4 EAD visa workers experience greater status coercion regardless of whether their visa is employer-sponsored, employment authorized by USCIS or a dependent visa. The consequences of coercion are that these workers are underemployed, overworked, given limited access to claims-making, and subjected to repetitive tasks on outdated technology. Yet, workers also exercised agency and ingenuity in their interconnected migration and employment trajectories. I find that visa workers ‘game' the US visa system via ‘visa hopping' from one visa to the next to ensure they can extend their stay and work in the US. While workers continuing to stay and work shows their compliance and consent to work in coercive conditions, I argue that gaming the US visa system can be understood as a form of resistance that showcases visa holders' creative agency.

[pt] A presente tese tem como principal objetivo analisar as expressões da precarização do trabalho na indústria da moda, na cidade do Rio de Janeiro. Partimos da premissa de que as estratégias adotadas pelo capitalismo, de forma geral, e pela indústria da moda, que parecem estar desconectadas, afetam profundamente a classe trabalhadora e se desdobram em importantes alteraçõesnas relações de trabalho. Nos bastidores do mundo da moda há enormes contradições, ações e práticas que não possuem a aparência glamourosa e fantasiosa que a moda geralmente costuma ter e dar às peças que comercializa, a exemplo da exploração da força de trabalho, mercadoria fundamental para sua sustentação e desconsiderada como tal pela indústria da moda. Desta forma, nos aproximar de alguns dos elementos importantes que compõem a forma do mundo da moda, mas que, antes de tudo, fazem parte do desenvolvimento capitalista, como a organização e a divisão do trabalho, juntamente com todas as suas consequências na indústria, na tecnologia, no território e nas relações sociais, é de grande importância para compreendermos melhor a ponta do iceberg, que são as expressões da precarização do trabalho no interior da moda, em especial a moda carioca, objeto desta investigação. Para tanto, como procedimento metodológico foram realizadas: pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevista com pesquisadora sobre o tema e também foi divulgado, em uma rede social, um survey online voltado para as costureiras que fazem parte de grupos online de busca de trabalho. O caminho trilhado nos possibilitou conferir informações que contribuem para reforçar a ideia de que a indústria da moda traz com ela o traço de precarização do trabalho e sua inevitável e profunda articulação com o capitalismo. / [en] The main objective of this thesis is to analyze the expressions of precarious work in the fashion industry in the city of Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. It’s basic premise is that strategies adopted by capitalism in general and by the the fashion industry in particular deeply affects the working class and brings important changes in work relations. In despite of the glamourous facade the fashion world there is a less fanciful side to this industry: the exploitation of the workforce as a fundamental pratice. In this way, we will get closer to some of the important elements that make up the fashion world but which above all are part of capitalist development, such as the organization and division of labor together with all their consequences in industry, technology, territory and social relations. This tip of the iceberg revealed some deep expressions of the precariousness of work in the fashion industry. To this end, bibliographical research was carried out, interviews with researchers on the topic were carried out and an online survey was also published on a social network aimed at seamstresses who are part of online job search groups, which allowed us to check information that contributes to reinforce the idea that the fashion industry brings with it the trait of precarious work and its inevitable and deep articulation with capitalism.