Syftet med studien var att undersöka vad för känslor som riksdagens partiers propaganda genererar och vad för utbildningsnivå Alliansen och de Rödgrönas väljare har. Studien undersökte vilket block som genererade flest negativa kontra positiva känslor över hur Sverige ser ut idag. Känslorna som användes i undersökningen härstammade från Paul Ekmans teori om grundkänslor men har utvecklats för att passa in i undersökningen. Metoden som användes var en kvantitativ undersökning där en pappersenkät utformades och delades ut. Utfallet blev att 93 enkäter gick att analysera i undersökningen. Resultatet visade att det inte fanns någon signifikant skillnad mellan vad Alliansen och de Rödgröna framkallade för känslor om hur Sverige ser ut idag. Signifikant skillnad förelåg däremot i att Sverigedemokraterna genererade fler negativa och färre positiva känslor över hur Sverige ser ut idag än de övriga två blocken gjorde. Det förelåg ingen signifikant skillnad mellan Alliansen och de Rödgrönas väljare beträffande utbildningsnivå. / The purpose of the study was to investigate what kind of emotions the propaganda of the parliamentary parties generates and what level of education the Alliance and the Red-Green voters have. The study examined which block generated the most negative versus positive emotions about how Sweden looks today. The feelings used in the study was developed from Paul Ekmans theory of basic emotions. The method used was a quantitative survey and the outcome was that 93 of the distributed questionnaires could be analyzed. The result showed that there was no significant difference between what emotions the Alliance and the Red-Greens brought out about how Sweden looks today. A significant difference, however, was that the Swedish Democrats generated more negative and fewer positive emotions about how Sweden looks today than the other two blocks did. There was no significant difference between the Alliance and the Red-Green voters regarding educational level.

The author deals with some specific problems of the post-war development of Lidice between 1945 and 1989. The diplomante ponders upon the questions of memory on Lidice, Lidice memory and Lidice as a place of memoir. In her introduction, based on numerous talks with the Lidice narrators, the author tries to find out what kind of memory place Lidice is and who it may concern. The follow-up chapters reflect the worldwide reception of Lidice tragedy; moreover, they feature some talks with the women named Lidice after the village. Next thematic part is focused on the actual construction of the village as well as on two organizations that were in charge of the whole building process: Society for Lidice Reconstruction on one hand and British movement "Lidice Shall Live" on the other hand. Author also introduces the movement founder Barnett Stross. Further chapters describe a typical course of that time reverent memories in Lidice using some articles from Rude Pravo and showing the way how Lidice was misused by the communist regime to serve as a propaganda of socialism. The memories of the narrators, acquired and processed through an oral history method, the archive sources of both the State District Archive in Kladno and the National Archive in London in particular, became a source base of the author. Key...

The diploma thesis is devoted to the analysis of anti-religious propaganda conducted by the Bolshevik government in the 1920s and 1930s on the example of materials published in the Bezbozhnik magazine. The work outlines the historical context of the Soviet anti-religious policy of the interwar period, and describes the activities of the main anti-religious organization, the League of Militant Atheists and its leader Yemelyan Yaroslavsky. Furthermore, the publishing activities of the League of Militant Atheists and the network of periodicals published by it are described. In its core the work focuses on the analysis of the main anti-religious periodical, which was the newspaper and later the magazine Bezbožnik. The basic methods of propaganda used by this periodical are described in connection with the propagandistic character of contemporary Soviet art. Special attention is paid to the illustrative material in the magazine, especially the anti-religious cartoon and its sources. The work is a contribution to understanding the functioning of communist totalitarian ideology and its influence in the media space.

The diploma thesis is devoted to the analysis of anti-religious propaganda conducted by the Bolshevik government in the 1920s and 1930s on the example of materials published in the Bezbozhnik magazine. The work outlines the historical context of the Soviet anti-religious policy of the interwar period, and describes the activities of the main anti-religious organization, the League of Militant Atheists and its leader Yemelyan Yaroslavsky. Furthermore, the publishing activities of the League of Militant Atheists and the network of periodicals published by it are described. In its core the work focuses on the analysis of the main anti-religious periodical, which was the newspaper and later the magazine Bezbožnik. The basic methods of propaganda used by this periodical are described in connection with the propagandistic character of contemporary Soviet art. Special attention is paid to the illustrative material in the magazine, especially the anti-religious cartoon and its sources. The work is a contribution to understanding the functioning of communist totalitarian ideology and its influence in the media space.

ŠUPOVÁ, Kateřina. Reflection of structural and political conditions in the ideology and practice of Islamic groups - the so-called Islamic State and al-Qaeda (Master's thesis). Charles University in Prague. Faculty of Arts. Department of Political Science. Tutor: Zora Hesová, M.A., Ph.D. 2019. p. 84. In this thesis the author's main goal is to analyze the strategy and propaganda of the Islamic state in relation to the strategy of Al Qaeda. Emphasis is on studying the intentions and capabilities of each group by examining the ideology, goals, warfare, tactics, propaganda etc. What was the reason for the split? Martha Crenshaw's instrumental and organizational perspectives were very useful for analysis. As well as a concept of Michael Arena and Bruce Arriga deals with identity and propaganda in collaboration with Ervin Goffman, who deals with the theory of self-presentation, By analyzing various documents, declarations by the Islamic state and al-Qaeda there is outlined an ideological, apocalyptic and strategic movement shift. Keywords: ideology, propaganda, strategy, Islamic state, al-Qaeda, terrorism, identity

The topic of this work is a multifaceted, in times permeating or partially blending view of the Korean war, a view which is, above all, disproving itself in many subnarratives. This view was constructed from various period sources, namely official and unofficial diplomatic materials, periodical press, reports of United Nations Committee and an immediate (partially also delayed) reflection of the Korean war as it was presented by the authors/the propaganda of the Eastern and Western blocs. The subject of my analysis is then argumentation, the genesis of relabeling of individual narratives and significant motives, connections between individual alternative histories as they were being built, relations between significant subordinate motives (those which are crucial for the complete narrative of the war) as they tie into the context, all of the above realized in my concept of syntax of a propagandistic picture of reality and a fictional world.

I denna fallstudie har vi undersökt hur en krigsfilm kan använda sig av olika gestaltningar och representationer av “vi och dem” och därför riskerar att sprida propaganda och därigenom även potentiellt påverka dagordningen genom att påverka den rådande diskursen. Vi valde filmen American Sniper som empiriskt material då den är baserad på verkliga händelser och att vi därför kan se huruvida detta påverkar möjligheten att använda spelfilm för att potentiellt påverka diskursen. Genom användandet av en multimodal kritisk diskursanalys har vi tittat närmare på innehållet och maktrelationerna i filmen, för att slutligen kunna besvara följande frågeställningar:  Hur representeras och gestaltas “vi och dem” genom orientalism, nationalism och patriotism i innehållet?  Hur fungerar dessa fenomen tillsammans för att skapa ett innehåll som kan upplevas som propagerande?  Hur fungerar dessa fenomen tillsammans för att skapa en diskurs som potentiellt kan påverka dagordningen?  Analysen lutar sig mot ett teoretiskt ramverk bestående av representationsteori, gestaltningsteori, “vi och dem”, orientalism, patriotism, nationalism, propaganda och dagordningsteori. Studien analyserar scener från filmen valda utefter den anglosaxiska dramaturgiska kurvan. Genom att använda oss av analyskategorierna lexikala val, visuella val, narrativa strukturer och sociala aktörer tittar vi närmare på gestaltning och representation för att upptäcka olika framställningar av “vi och dem” i form av orientalism, nationalism och patriotism för att kunna besvara den första frågeställningen. I diskussionen redogör vi för hur dessa fenomen potentiellt skulle kunna ha inflytande över dagordning och att det med hjälp av olika strategier även kan sprida mjuk propaganda, vilket besvarar den andra och tredje frågeställningen. Resultatet i studien sammanfattas med att “vi och dem” gestaltas genom ofördelaktiga gestaltningar och en brist på individualitet vilket visar på orientalistiska diskurser i filmen. Detta, ihop med enbart positiva skildringar av de egna i filmen, visar upp nationalistiska drag. Genom hela filmen finns en känsla av patriotism genom huvudpersonens brinnande kärlek för sitt land och sin vilja att dö för att skydda det. Genom dessa gestaltningar blir innehållet i filmen vinklat på ett fördelaktigt sätt för USA och tack vare att filmen blev en biosuccé och fick stort erkännande i filmkretsar så kan innehållet komma att påverka diskursen och eventuellt även dagordningen. Därigenom tillåts det propagandistiska och vinklade innehållet att spridas till amerikanska invånare såväl som resterande delar av världen. / In this case study we have examined how a war movie can use different types of framings and representations of “us and them” and therefore run the risk of spreading propaganda and thereby potentially influence the agenda. We chose the movie American Sniper as our empirical material because it is based upon true events and real persons and we can therefore expect to see how this potentially affects the ability to influence the public opinion. Through the use of a multimodal critical discourse analysis we have looked closer on the movie’s content and the power relations within the movie to be able to answer our question at issue:   How does the movie represent and frame “us and them” through the use of orientalism, nationalism and patriotism?  How do this phenomenon work together to create  a content that could be seen as  propagandistic?  How do these phenomena work together to create a discourse that could potentially influence the agenda?   The theoretical framework used in the analysis consists of representation theory, framing theory, orientalism, “us and them”, patriotism, nationalism, propaganda and agenda setting theory. The study analyzes scenes from the movie chosen from the building stones of the classical dramaturgy. By applying the analaysis categories of lexical choices visual choices, narrative structure and social actors can we take a closer look at the framing and representation to discover different fabrications of  “us and them” in the form of orientalsim, nationalism and patriotism to be able to answer the first question at issue.  In the discussion we have given an account of these phenomena’s influence over the agenda setting and how they, with the help of different strategies, could spread “soft propaganda”, which answers the second question at issue. The result of the study can be summarized with the facts that “us and them” appears through the use of disadvantageous portrayals and the lack of individuality which shows the orientalistic discourses in the movie. This, combined with only positivistic depiction of “us” in the movie, shows nationalistic features. Throughout the movie a feeling of patriotism is mediated through the main character’s love for his country and the fact that he is willing to die to protect it. Through these representations the content is framed in a way that is beneficial for the US. And because American Sniper became a blockbuster and got recognized in the film industry with several awards and nominations, the movie’s content can influence the discourse and furthermore perhaps the agenda. Through this the propagandistic content is distributed to American citizens as well as the rest of the world.

Studien har i syfte att undersöka vilka genrer, diskursiva strategier och lingvistiska verktyg som Rysslands president Vladimir Putin använder sig utav och hur det kan kopplas samman med tidigare forskning om propaganda. Studien utgår från Putins tal på Moskvas Stadium den 18 mars 2022 då han adresserar åttaårsjubileet av Rysslands annektering av Krim. Metoden som använts för studien är diskursiv-historisk analys, som bygger på kritisk diskursanalys. För att koppla samman Putins tal med en vidare historisk kontext har även Joseph Stalins tal från den 7 november 1941 analyserats på samma sätt.  För att kort sammanfatta resultatet så visade det sig att det finns vissa likheter mellan Putin och Stalins tal i hänseende av genre samt diskursiva strategier, den största skillnaden handlar om att Putin använder ett försiktigare vokabulär än Stalin samt att Putin är mer argumenterande. / The study aims to examine the genres, discursive strategies and linguistic tools that Russian President Vladimir Putin uses and how it can be linked to previous research on propaganda. The study is based on Putin's speech at Moscow's Stadium on March 18, 2022, when he addresses the eighth anniversary of Russia's annexation of Crimea. The method used for the study is discursive-historical analysis, which is based on critical discourse analysis. To connect Putin's speech with a historical context, Joseph Stalin's speech of November 7, 1941 has also been analyzed in the same way. To summarize the results, it turned out that there are some similarities between Putin and Stalin's speeches in terms of genre and discursive strategies, the biggest difference is that Putin uses a more cautious vocabulary than Stalin and that Putin is more argumentative.

Den första instansen av de konflikterande narrativen om väst och öst i Ukraina som denna studie tar upp presenterades 2007. Sedan dess, har konflikten trappat upp till graden av fullskaligt krig med Ryssland som anstiftare till den casus belli som åberopats. Syftet med studien är att granska propagandistiskt material på social media, specifikt Twitter, och fokusera på ryska och ukrainska myndigheters twitterinlägg om Rysslands invasion av Ukraina den 24:e Februari 2022. Denna studie är triangulär då den blandar både kvantitativa och kvalitativa ansatser i sin metodik. Den är kvantitativ i sin initiala datainsamling, som sedan övergår till kvalitativ när den fokuserar på att analysera frames hos inlägg på Twitter. Båda mätningarna redogör sedan för ett resultat som ger en helhetsbild på situationen som undersökts. Dess teoretiska ramverk baserar sig på tankegångar om Gitlin, Entman och Iyengars definitioner av framing, samt Jowett och O’Donnells definitioner av propaganda. Intresset för studien är att se till dissemineringen av inläggen, samt vilka skillnader och likheter som går att finna i de frames som förekommer i vissa av inläggen. Resultaten som studien presenterar visar att Ukraina vunnit övervägande stöd av twitteranvändarna, när de använt plattformen för att propagera för sin sak. De har dessutom använt konfronterande frames angående Rysslands agerande, där Ryssland i stället valt att undvika att direkt tala om konflikten. Slutsatserna som studien drar ligger i de skilda kommunikationsstrategier de båda nationerna använder sig utav, samt hur Ukrainas positionering diplomatiskt blivit förskjuten till utökade samarbeten med väst. Nyckelord: Kvantitativ, kvalitativ, propaganda. / The first instance of the conflicting narratives about west and east in Ukraine that this study covers was presented in 2007. Since then, the conflict has escalated to the point of full-scale war with Russia as the instigator to the casus belli that has been invoked. The aim of the study is to examine propagandistic material on social media, specifically Twitter, and focus on Russian and Ukrainian authorities twitter posts on the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the 24th of February 2022. This study is triangular as it involves both quantitative and qualitative approaches in its methodology. It is quantitative in its initial collection of data, which then transitions to qualitative when it focuses on analyzing frames on Twitter posts. Both measurements later accounts for a result to give an overall picture on the situation that has been researched. Its theoretical framework roots its mindset in Gitlin, Entman and Iyengar’s definitions of framing, as well as Jowett and O’Donnell’s definitions of propaganda.The interest of the study is looking to the dissemination of the posts, as well as the differences and similarities that can be found in the frames which occurs in some of the posts. The results presented in the study points to Ukraine winning predominant support by the Twitter users, when they have used the platform to propagate their cause. They have also used confronting frames regarding Russia’s actions, where Russia instead chose to avoid addressing the conflict directly. The conclusions drawn in the study lies in the separate strategies for communication that the different nations use, as well as how the diplomatic position of Ukraine has been offset to increased cooperation with the west.  Keywords: Quantitative, qualitative, propaganda.

On April 13, 1917, Woodrow Wilson created the Committee on Public Information. For the next eighteen months, the members of the Committee attempted to gain the total support of the American people for the war effort. Historians who have written about the Committee focus on what it did. This thesis attempts to answer the question, why it insisted on distorting and fabricating facts when its Chairman, George Creel, had instituted a policy of only presenting facts to the American people. This thesis looks at several of the Committee's divisions in depth, including the Division of Civic and Educational Cooperation, the Four Minute Men, the Speaking Division, the Bureau of Cartoons, the Division of Advertising, the Division of Pictorial Publicity, the Division of News, and the Official Bulletin. Analysis of these divisions shows that their directors manipulated facts because they believed that the American people needed to be emotionally connected to the conflict to support it. They reasoned that facts alone would not suffice. / Master of Arts