Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-09-21T12:29:24Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Bernardi.pdf: 1335328 bytes, checksum: bdd4452185e79c51c13207951fbdeb6b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-21T12:29:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcio Bernardi.pdf: 1335328 bytes, checksum: bdd4452185e79c51c13207951fbdeb6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-15 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The uprising of June 2013, which had, at first moment, just small groups and social movements of the left, aimed to reverse the increase of bus and subway passes in major centers. What was a common event in big cities has suddenly become one of the biggest manifestations of the country and with a wide range of demands before the most varied social sectors. In São Paulo city, the great organizer of the uprising was the Free Pass Movement [Movimento Passe Livre], a movement that has the characteristic of being horizontal, without leadership and considered non-traditional, which, on the one hand, allowed for the expansion of both uprising and patterns, But on the other hand, it was criticized by other social movements for this spontaneous aspect. Another feature of June of 2013 was the role of the press, initially acting in opposition to the uprising, and throughout the events, however, ended up supporting the uprising, causing a certain part of the sectors of social movements to question the Real sense of manifestations and of such support. Nevertheless, the social networks maintained a prominent role by rivaling the press on the ways of telling what was happening in the uprising. Add to that all the electoral factor in which Brazil was, that is, on the eve of a presidential race, and in the city of São Paulo we had Fernando Haddad recently elected, besides being on the eve of receiving two important events: the 2014 Soccer World Cup and the 2016 Olympic Games. All these factors are on the streets of São Paulo during the uprising and this work intends to analyze the outcome of this unorthodox meeting / As manifestações de Junho de 2013, que contou, de princípio, apenas com pequenos grupos e movimentos sociais de esquerda, tinha como objetivo reverter o aumento das passagens de ônibus e metrô nos grandes centros. O que era um evento comum nas grandes cidades, de repente se tornou uma das maiores manifestações do país e com um grande leque de reivindicações diante dos mais variados setores sociais. Na cidade de São Paulo, o grande organizador das manifestações foi o Movimento Passe Livre, um movimento que tem como característica ser horizontal, sem liderança e considerado não tradicional, o que, por um lado, permitiu a ampliação tanto de manifestantes quanto de pautas, mas, por outro, acabou sendo criticado por outros movimentos sociais justamente por este aspecto espontaneísta. Outra característica de Junho de 2013 foi o papel da imprensa, portando-se, num primeiro momento, em oposição às manifestações, e ao longo dos acontecimentos, contudo, acabou apoiando as manifestações, fazendo com que certa parte dos setores de movimentos sociais questionasse o real sentido das manifestações e de tal apoio. Não obstante, as redes sociais mantiveram papel de destaque por rivalizar com a imprensa sobre as formas de contar o que estava ocorrendo nas manifestações. Some-se a isso tudo o fator eleitoral em que o Brasil se encontrava, a saber, às vésperas de uma disputa presidencial, sendo que na cidade de São Paulo tínhamos Fernando Haddad recém-eleito, além de estar às vésperas de receber dois eventos importantes: a Copa do Mundo de 2014 e as Olimpíadas de 2016. Todos esses fatores se encontram nas ruas de São Paulo durante as manifestações e este trabalho pretende analisar o resultado deste encontro tão heterodoxo

State violence, and policing in particular, continue to shape the black British experience, racialising geographical areas associated with African and African-Caribbean communities. The history of black struggles in the UK has often centred on spaces of racial violence and resistance to it. But black-led social movements of previous decades have, for the most part, seen a decline in both political mobilisations, and the militant anti-racist slogans and discourses that accompanied them. Neoliberalism, through securitisation, resource reallocation, privatisation of space and the de-racialising of language, has made radical black activism an increasingly difficult endeavour. But this does not mean that black struggle against policing has disappeared. What it does mean, however, is that there have been significant changes in how anti-racist activism against policing is articulated and carried out. Three high-profile black deaths at the hands of police in 2011 led to widespread protest and civil unrest. These movements of resistance were strengthened when the Black Lives Matter movement in the United States mobilised hundreds of young people in solidarity actions in England. In this thesis, I argue that, over time, racist metonyms used to describe places racialised as black (Handsworth, Brixton etc.) and people racialised as black (Stephen Lawrence, Mark Duggan etc.), have led to the rise of metonymic anti-racism. While metonymic anti-racism was used alongside more overt anti-racist language in the period between the 1950s and early 1990s, I argue that such overt anti-racist language is becoming rarer in the post-2011 period, particularly in radical black grassroots organisations that address policing. Intersecting with metonymic anti-racism are gender dynamics brought to the surface by female-led campaigns against police violence, and forms of resistance which target spaces of post-industrial consumer capitalism. Understanding how police racism, and resistance to it, are being reconceptualised through language, and reconfigured through different forms of activism, provides a fresh understanding of grassroots black struggle in Britain.

In 1967 and 1968, members of the Youth International Party, also known as Yippies, created several mass street demonstrations to protest President Lyndon Baines Johnson’s handling of the United States’ military involvement in the war in Vietnam. The Yippies were a loose network of hippies, anti-war activists, and left-wing radicals committed to cultural and political change. This dissertation investigates how the Yippies used avant-garde theories of theatre and performance in their year of demonstrating against the Johnson administration. The Yippies receive little attention in most histories of American performance, and theatre remains on the margins of political and social histories of the 1960s; therefore this dissertation places performance and political archives side by side to create a new historical narrative of the Yippies and performance. The Yippies created their own networked participatory street performance form by drawing on the political philosophy of the New Left student movement, the organizational strategies of the anti-war movement, and the countercultural values of the hippies. They modified this performance form, which they termed “revolutionary actiontheater,” with performance theories drawn from New York’s avant-garde art world, the concept of guerrilla theatre outlined by R. G. Davis of the San Francisco Mime Troupe, and the notion of Theater of Cruelty created by Antonin Artaud. Using performance theory and cultural history as primary methodologies, this project traces the Yippies’ adoption of revolutionary action-theater with three examples: the 1967 “March on the Pentagon” where future Yippie leaders performed an exorcism ritual at the Pentagon; the 1968 “Grand Central Station Yip-In” event that advertised for the Yippie movement; and the 1968 “Festival of Life” at the National Democratic Convention in Chicago where the Yippies nominated a pig as presidential candidate. The final chapter on the recent phenomenon of flash mobs argues that the Yippies’ legacy lives on in this participatory street performance form, and suggests that revolutionary action-theater can still serve as a model for political action. / text

My aim in this dissertation is to explore the manner in which protest leaders in the post-apartheid context understand themselves and their actions against the backdrop of the socio-historical, political and economic conditions within which protests take place. The aim is to contribute to the debate around the nature of the challenge posed by protest action to the post-apartheid neoliberal order. The study uses an actor-oriented ethnographic methodology to examine at close range the nature of the protest movement in working class South African townships focusing on the so-called service delivery protests. In the quest to understand the action, forms of organisation and ideologies characteristic of the protests, and their significance for post-apartheid society, I use concepts and insights from the literature on social movements, discourse theory and, in particular, Gramsci's ideas on hegemony. The latter helps me to define and assess the threat posed by the protests to the dominant order which I characterise as neoliberalism or neoliberal capitalism. The conclusion that I come to is that the protests are best understood in the context of the transition from apartheid to democracy: its dynamics and its unmet expectations. They represent a fragmented and inchoate challenge to the post apartheid neoliberal order. Their weakness, I argue, partly derives from the effects of the demobilisation of the working class movement during the transition to democracy. It will take broader societal developments, including the emergence of a particular kind of leadership and organisation, for the protests to pose a serious challenge to the present order. The experience of the struggle against apartheid suggests the necessity of a vision of alternatives to inspire, shape and cohere struggles around everyday issues and concerns into struggles for radical society-wide alternatives. Protest action was linked to imagination of a different way of doing things and organising society. Without this link, it is likely that the protest movement will be increasingly isolated and contained with some of its energy used negatively, for example, in populist chauvinism, xenophobic attacks, mob justice, and other forms of anti-social behavior that are becoming a worrisome feature of post-apartheid society. Nonetheless, it provides hope and the foundation for a different future. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

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No description available.

Modern protest movements rely on digital activism on social media, which serves as a conduit for mobilization. In the social media landscape, internet memes have emerged as a popular practice of expressing political protest. Although it is known that social media facilitates mobilization, researchers have neglected how distinct types of content affect mobilization. Moreover, research regarding users’ perspectives on mobilization through memes is lacking. To close these research gaps, this study investigates memes in the context of climate protest mobilization. Based on the four-step model of mobilization, a survey of users who create and share memes related to the Fridays for Future movement on social media (N = 325) revealed that the prosumption of climate crisis memes increases users’ issue involvement and strengthens their online networks. These factors serve as crucial mediators in the relationship between users’ prosumption of climate crisis memes and political participation. The results suggest that mobilization through memes is effective at raising awareness of political issues and strengthening online discussion networks, which means that it has strategic potential for protest movements. By looking at memes from the perspective of their creators and examining a specific type of social media content, this study contributes to the literature on digital mobilization.

This dissertation is a study of artistic projects that, in response to Spain’s transition into a neoliberal economy, renew the disruptive gesture of the avant-garde, from the country’s 1986 entry into the European Union, to the post-15M uprisings. To do so, I argue that Iberian artists revived strategies of sabotage typical of the 19th-century worker’s struggle, including power cuts, political infiltration, misappropriation of funds, and the destruction of property, to wield the art world’s contradictions against itself. Institutions sponsored these interventions precisely because in attempting to sabotage the art system, museums were able to marshal the idea of the artist’s freedom as a stand-in for Spain’s democratic identity, while also promoting art that fit the regime of spectacle driving the art market. Combining archival research and interviews with visual and cultural analyses of primarily conceptual art projects, each chapter focuses on a sociopolitical concern with Spain’s neoliberalization with which these artworks wrestle. The first chapter centers on imaginaries of technology given the country’s EU-imposed deindustrialization. One of the cases I examine is Catalan sound artist TRES Blackout (2000-16) concerts where he disconnected buildings from the grid, aestheticizing a pre- and post-industrial experience. The second chapter considers how the promotion of contemporary art was crucial for the State’s shift toward financialization, helping tourism and real estate markets’ development. These conditions, I argue, led to a new wave of institutional critique, questioning the museum’s social role. Among the works I analyze is Andalusian-Catalan visual artist Luz Broto’s architectural piece, Abrir un agujero permanente (2015), in which she bored a hole in the façade of the Museum of Contemporary Art of Barcelona and ran a workshop to change the museum’s bylaws for the hole to remain, without authorization, rendering institution making an artistic process in the vein of institutional critique. The third chapter addresses how artists found ways to counter the institution’s capture of cultural labor, such as Núria Güell’s manual, Cómo expropiar a los bancos (2013) —alongside others—on how to obtain bank loans and default on them. Through the lens of sabotage, we can see how artists pry open, in both symbolic and concrete ways, the increasingly nebulous relationship between labor and capital.

Women’s involvement in collective struggles for environmental quality has surged in recent years, as has research focusing on this phenomenon. Consistent with this research, a feminist lens is useful in revealing a model of community struggle that features women’s activities and strategies to expose environmental insult. I use a case study of community protest in Hermosillo, a city in the Mexican state of Sonora, to feature social networks as a means of politicizing the placement of a toxic waste dump six kilometers outside the city. A feminist perspective reveals these social networks to be more than a way to mobilize resources. It allow us to see the ways in which gender interacts with globalized relations of power, political ecology, and environmental policy, and to validate a creative way in which women can out-maneuver the gendered constraints to political participation. An analysis of how social networks served in this particular struggle suggests that they are an important component in the process through which women gained voice and authored oppositional discourse in contexts where these have been previously denied, and ultimately deconstructed the political authority that sanctioned the dump.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-04-24T12:29:26Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus da Silva.pdf: 3407081 bytes, checksum: 71f2b1c2003155bdc6e43f36ec1bfbd9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-24T12:29:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Matheus da Silva.pdf: 3407081 bytes, checksum: 71f2b1c2003155bdc6e43f36ec1bfbd9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The objective of this research is to understand the demonstration organized by a mass of unemployed people in Santo Amaro, São Paulo between April 4th and 6th, 1983. The protest was a direct, unorganized, heterogeneous, violent action from the point of view of tactics of struggle and based on causes considered legitimate, which contributed to the demonstration of the unemployed to demonstrate logic; in short , a movement against the military dictatorship. Although in 1983 there was a process of political openness and a serious economic crisis, there were several reactions in civil society and political power. In this way, we also tried to talk about the Civilian Police Dossier and the indictment of those accused of participating in the demonstrations, as well as the representations elaborated in the news “Folha de São Paulo and Estado de São Paulo”, analyzing all the sections and issues of April 1983. As for the representations, we note the predominance of inconvenient and unchanging arguments about protest, as well as associations of it with social disorder. So, we hope to understand the practices and experiences of struggle of a marginalized social group, the political significance of the action and the reason for the elaborated representations about the manifestation and its evidences / Esta dissertação tem como objetivo compreender a manifestação organizada por uma multidão de desempregados em Santo Amaro, zona sul da cidade de São Paulo entre os dias 04 e 06 de abril de 1983. Partindo da especificidade do protesto, constatamos que o mesmo se constituiu como uma ação direta, não organizada, heterogênea enquanto composição social, violenta do ponto de vista da tática de luta e fundamentada em causas consideradas legítimas, o que contribuiu para que o motim dos desempregados se constituísse como uma manifestação repleta de coerência e lógica; enfim, uma arma contra a ditadura militar. Embora em 1983 estivesse em curso um processo de abertura política – e de uma grave crise econômica, o motim despertou reações na sociedade civil e no poder público. Deste modo, também buscamos problematizar as representações do protesto elaboradas nos documentos policiais, a saber, o Dossiê sobre a manifestação elaborado pela Polícia Civil e os Autos de Inquérito dos acusados de participação nos saques e quebra-quebras, bem como as representações elaboradas nos jornais Folha de S. Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo, analisando todas as seções e edições do mês de abril de 1983. A respeito das representações, constatamos nas fontes a predominância de argumentos desairosos e estereotipados sobre o protesto, assim como associações do mesmo com a desordem social. Em suma, esperamos compreender as práticas e experiências de luta de um grupo social marginalizado, o significado político da ação e o porquê das representações elaboradas sobre a manifestação nas evidências arroladas para esta dissertação