Children around the world suffer greatly due to conflicts. One of the most common interventions to support children affected by conflicts are Child Friendly Spaces (CFSs). Implemented within different cultural contexts, CFSs aim to be both culturally sensitive and contribute to gender equality, an interaction that can be complex. Previous research regarding CFSs is limited. As CFSs are commonly used in Humanitarian Action, further knowledge is central.This thesis aims to explore and compare how culture and gender appropriate responses in CFSs guidelines and manuals are expressed in order to gain an increased understanding of how these guidelines handle the interaction between gender norms in different cultures.In this study I discuss six CFSs guidelines and manuals by conducting comparative analysis and applying the Ecological Resilience Framework.The result suggests that culture and gender appropriate responses are central in all guidelines and manuals but emphasized in different ways. The participation of children, families and communities, as well as the adaption of activities, are all strategies aimed at cultural sensitivity. The result also entails that the equal inclusion of all children is a general gender appropriate approach. In addition, I claim that the main intervention, aiming to be both gender and culture appropriate, is separated groups between boys and girls. Finally, I argue that gender and culture may clash due to different perceptions of gender and culture appropriate responses.

<p>Children who have fled to Sweden, without their parents or guardians, have been a controversial subject during the winter of 2002. Their situations on refugeestations and the responsibiliy by community and the state have been discussed. My composition is about these children. The composition is not about the situations of the children - focus is instead on the people who operate with the children; community, state and organisations. I want to find empirical levels which show what the children associate with. I have found three levels that I have called: "A institutional refugee", "To be refugee - a problem which must be solved "and "Child or refugee?". These levels contains different subjects as laws, cultural, living and childhood wich together make a picture about what the "refugeechild" means to those who figure in my composition. I have been inspired by discourse, postcolonialism and nationalism. I want to understand why the term "refugeechild", in my sence has a meaning of a duel between a discourse about"children"and"refugees".</p>

Children who have fled to Sweden, without their parents or guardians, have been a controversial subject during the winter of 2002. Their situations on refugeestations and the responsibiliy by community and the state have been discussed. My composition is about these children. The composition is not about the situations of the children - focus is instead on the people who operate with the children; community, state and organisations. I want to find empirical levels which show what the children associate with. I have found three levels that I have called: "A institutional refugee", "To be refugee - a problem which must be solved "and "Child or refugee?". These levels contains different subjects as laws, cultural, living and childhood wich together make a picture about what the "refugeechild" means to those who figure in my composition. I have been inspired by discourse, postcolonialism and nationalism. I want to understand why the term "refugeechild", in my sence has a meaning of a duel between a discourse about"children"and"refugees".

Accidental drug poisoning has tripled in Sweden since the start of the 21st century, and statistically the country has had one of the highest overdose death rates in Europe. To reverse an opioid overdose, which is the main cause of drug related death, the antidote naloxone has the capacity of breaking the effect, and it is widely recommended as a safe drug with limited side effects. Police forces around the world have started to use naloxone and there is proven connection between its introduction and a reduced number of drug related deaths. However, Swedish police has not started to use or, as far as we know, investigate use of naloxone despite proven benefits. Since police sometimes are the first to arrive at the scene of an overdose, naloxone in a police context is important to study. This survey had its origin in the Theory of Planned Behavior, in accordance with the research instruments Opioid Overdose Knowledge Scale (OOKS), Opioid Overdose Attitude Scale (OOAS) and Naloxone-Related Risk Compensation Beliefs (NaRRC-B). This quantitative study had the purpose to measure and create knowledge about Swedish police officers' attitudes towards introducing and administering naloxone in police work, as well as their general knowledge regarding the antidote. The participants agreed that Swedish police officers should be equipped with naloxone to be able to save more lives (mean value = 3,9). The demonstrated benefits significantly outweigh the disadvantages of a possible implementation of naloxone within the Swedish police. Hence, it is essential that the Swedish Police Authority further investigates whether the use of naloxone can be a new working method to save more lives.

Based on the Migration Board's statistics report, the number of children that has gone missing within a time interval of 4 years (2010-2014) comprises 1331 children in total, of whom 146 are girls and 1185 are boys. A rising interest about what has happened to those children created a fundamental platform for this thesis. By reading Åkerman’s report from 2012, and the book De förlorade barnen: en rapport by Mikkelsen and Wagner (2013) the curiosity grew deeper. The research questions that were established were divided into three parts. Their aim is to examine which organization or public authority has the main responsibility for asylum seeking children that arrives to Sweden by themselves, if the quality of the reception has changed since the municipalities took over the responsibility, and what is/has been publicly done to strengthen the protection concerning the individual child. The aim of this study is to authentically answer the research questions, using a qualitative text analysis and an implement model. The qualitative textual analysis is primarily based on reports from Gunnarsson (2008), the Cabinet Office (2011), and a report from the National Swedish Board of Health and Welfare published in 2012. Further reports and books are used in order to authenticate the legitimacy of the arguments and facts that is accounted for in this thesis. The implementation model that is used is an implement problem shaped by Pressman and Willdawsky. The model is used in order to force the problems that solemnly appear in this thesis. The conclusion establishes that within the distinctive reports it exists different views, but also similarities. The various texts establish that despite a set of rules and regulations there has been a considerable ambiguity among the involved parties, in who holds the greatest responsibility for the asylum-seeking children. Åkerman claims that when the children arrive in Sweden they stand without any form of social safety net, whereas Gunnarsson (2008), the Cabinet Office report (2011) and the National Swedish Board report (2012) refer to the laws (LMA, SoL).