Almost fifteen years after democracy, issues of 'race' still hold daily South African life firmly in its grip. Following calls from foremost South African theorists on 'race', such as Sarah Nuttall, this thesis moves beyond a study of crude 'racism', to the more complex consideration of 'race' as an embedded ideological social formation within the spatial context of Rhodes University. Using analytical concepts such as 'silencing' and 'ritual' the thesis weaves an understanding (1) of how particular powerful representations of institutional history are produced and made dominant, and (2) how seemingly innocuous performances of institutional identity are key to reproducing 'racial' dominance within Rhodes' student life. This ultimately manifests in the production of a deeply 'racialized' commonsensical understanding of the 'most' legitimate and authentic representation and ownership of institutional space. The thesis delves into dominant representations of Rhodes University'S history, considering how these help produce and reproduce 'racial' dominance through, for instance, the production of defining apolitical narratives of 'excellence'. Central to the dominant apolitical institutional history is the production of silences about the past. History, I argue, is less compelling in any revelation of 'what happened' than in illustrating the production of silences used to enable the appropriation of a particular history as the sole relevant history. The 'inheritors of the past', those who are able to lay authoritative and representative claim to it, it is argued, ultimately claim ownership over institutional space. I argue too, that the dominant practices and performances of daily institutional life (re)produce the institutional space as a space of 'racial' dominance. Ritualized performance of the dominant institutional identity produces ownership of institutional space through making some articulations of 'Rhodes identity' more acceptable, legitimate and authentic than others. The dominance of 'drinking culture' in Rhodes student life produces a particular 'racialized' institutional identity as most legitimate. 'Racial' dominance is instituted, consecrated and reproduced through the ritualistic performance of 'drinking culture', which ultimately produces a superior claim of ownership over the institutional space through the reiteration of racial domination that these performances of institutional identity powerfully symbolize.

Racism as legislated by the government of South Africa, found its way into every sphere of South African life, political, social, economic and religious. Racism became another culture. It was in this culture that the Church of the Province of Southern Afiica (Anglican) and the diocese of Johannesburg found itself. To be credible and true to its calling, this church in its social teachings taught against racism on the grounds that it is anti-Christian and denies the essential truths of the gospel. However a contradiction in its teachings presented itself. Racism came to be found to be alive in its life and structures. The church came to not practice what it preached. Its practice did not follow its theory. For this church to be the church, racism needs to be purged from its life, practice and structures. A new way of life in the church has to be created and followed. / M.Th. (Systematic Theology)

D.Litt. et Phil. / The opponents of the White minority government in South Africa succeeded in 1994, by means of the electorial process, to obtain the political power in the country. These opponents of the previous government were, and still are, a composition of members from the total demographic spectrum of South Africa's population. The composition of the Bantu population in KwaZulu-Natal was traditionally family clusters of the Nguni. Conflict occurring in KwaZulu-Natal may, with reference to the past up to the recent present, be categorised as follows: Along intra-ethnic lines - the Zulu against Zulu-related family clusters. The same concerning the Xhosa. Along inter-ethnic lines - the Zulu against the Xhosa, and later the Bantu against the Whites. Along intra- and inter-ethnic lines within the Nguni. Reference is made on the one hand to the conflict between the traditionalists and modernists within the Zulu and Xhosa peoples, and on the other hand to the conflict between the Zulu and Xhosa peoples. Given the focus of this study the inherent present conflict in KwaZulu-Natal will be addressed, and then with specific emphasis on the occurrence of conflict in the geographic and demographic contact zone, viz the lower Umzimkulu Area, where the Zulu and Xhosa peoples merge. Since the dawn of South Africa's history, KwaZulu-Natal may be regarded as the territory where geographic expansionist ideals were, by means of conflict, brought to fruition. Historically, conflict situations were initiated from the Ulundi area and these conflicts gave rise to bloody "war situations." The (strategic) aim of the (tactical) offences was already then the realisation of a (geopolitical) idea of expansion.

Racism as legislated by the government of South Africa, found its way into every sphere of South African life, political, social, economic and religious. Racism became another culture. It was in this culture that the Church of the Province of Southern Afiica (Anglican) and the diocese of Johannesburg found itself. To be credible and true to its calling, this church in its social teachings taught against racism on the grounds that it is anti-Christian and denies the essential truths of the gospel. However a contradiction in its teachings presented itself. Racism came to be found to be alive in its life and structures. The church came to not practice what it preached. Its practice did not follow its theory. For this church to be the church, racism needs to be purged from its life, practice and structures. A new way of life in the church has to be created and followed. / M.Th. (Systematic Theology)

This thesis explores the role and positionality of three Black public intellectuals in post-94 South Africa, namely, Simphiwe Dana, Ntsiki Mazwai and Sisonke Msimang. For the purpose of this study, I analysed the twitter postings shared by these intellectuals on various social matters that concern the condition of the Black in post-94 South Africa. Using Fanon’s Native Intellectual Consciousness as a lens, the study seeks to capture and evaluate an emergent form of ‘cyber’ activism in the country. The main argument of this thesis is that, the concept and function of intellectualism must undergo a complete overhaul, beginning with the accommodation of more voices, particularly those of oppressed Black women. For this reason, the study is based on three Black women and seeks to dismantle the colonial lens through which Black women are studied This study not only historicises Black women as producers, users and custodians of knowledge but it also situates their lived experiences as relevant ‘knowledges’ albeit ignored in discourse. Moreover, the study is not only a form of epistemic protest against epistemic racism, but it is also a form of Black positioning in communication studies. I therefore posit that, Black Twitter is the communicative plane on which blackness performs and articulates itself, for itself. For this purpose, I conceptualise Black Solidarity within Communication studies; a field that often pretends to be only marginally affected by issues of race. This study contributes to Communication Studies, a new, raw and altruistic way of studying blackness by allowing it to think, and speak through its pain as opposed to the usual pathologising white gaze. Using the decolonial concept of a traditional Imbadu as the methodological aspect in conducting this study, I observe that even in the face of debilitating colonial hangover, blackness persists through those intellectuals whose intergenerational trauma forces them to think and speak from Blackness. The chosen intellectuals who are feminists by choice, think and speak from Blackness albeit being silenced by oppression. As such, the study itself is a pedagogical contradiction to the orthodox axiology of a detached scholar and hence written in the autobiographical form. / Communication Science / D. Phil. (Communication)

The Dutch Reformed Church provided the theological justification for Apartheid since 1948 and contributed to discourses of racism and cultural hegemony. In this research narrative conversations were used to confront racism prevalent among many Dutch Reformed congregants. Social discourses, created through language, marginalised and oppressed people of Colour in South Africa. In this project, narrative conversations were used to deconstruct these oppressive racial discourses. Antjie Krog's book on the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's work, Country of my skull, confronted the congregants with the painful and dehumanising effects of Apartheid. Externalising conversations assisted congregants to face their guilt and the unjust discourses trapping them. In addition, this deconstruction empowered the congregants to challenge racism and cultural hegemony by living more ethical lives. / Philosophy, Practical & Systematic Theology / M. Th. (Practical Theology (Pastoral Therapy))

Summaries in Afrikaans and English / Ons bevind ons in 'n nuwe Suid-Afrika waar die klem baie sterk op die uitwissing van die spore van die apartheidsera gele word. Die oopstelling van skole het nie daartoe bygedra dat kinders hulle vooroordele oorboord gooi en mekaar spontaan aanvaar nie. Die verandering in wetgewing wat 'n eksterne verandering is, het nie noodwendig tot verandering van gesindhede gelei nie. Daar kan derhalwe tereg gevra word hoe versoening tussen mense van verskillende kulture tot stand kan kom. In hierdie studie is gepoog om vas te stel of 'n verrykingsprogram in groepverband interpersoonlike vaardighede en verhoudinge van persone van uiteenlopende kulturele agtergronde kan bevorder. Die program is onder gekontroleerde omstandighede aangebied en die idiografiese navorsingsmetode is gebruik. Daar is bepaal watter faktore die aard en die kwaliteit van verhoudinge tussen persone van verskillende kulturele herkoms be'invloed. Riglyne is gestruktrueer en kriteria is ge'identifiseer waarvolgens die program saamgestel is. Die ouderdomme van die leertinge het tussen 15 en 21 jaar gewissel. Tydens die multikulturele groepsbelewing het die leertinge die geleentheid gehad om persoonlike en interpersoonlike vaardighede te ontwikkel sodat daar 'n openheid en 'n beg rip vir mekaar ontstaan het. Die interaksie met persone afkomstig van 'n verskeidenheid oriemtasies het daartoe gelei dat raakpunte in die diversiteit ontdek is en hulle het mekaar as individue begin erken en verstaan. Nuutgestigte verhoudings was gekenmerk deur vertroue, warmte en empatie. Deur middel van verbeterde selfbegrip en interpersoonlike vaardighede het die verhoudings tussen groeplede in verskeie dimensies beduidend verbeter. Hierdie navorsing het aangetoon dat mense van uiteenlopende kulturele orientasies soos in Suid-Afrika die geval is, deur middel van ervaringsleer in groepverband, tot grater eenheid en verdraagsaamheid saamgesnoer kan word. / Psychology of Education / D.Ed. (Psychology of Education)

This study begins by analysing and exploring problems associated with (a) history teaching as part of the Human and Social Sciences learning area, (b) history teaching within an Outcomes-based approach, and (c) history teaching and racism. In an effort to provide solutions to these problems the study proceeds to propose a framework for teaching history within the Human and Social Sciences learning area, to suggest a viable Outcomes-based approach to teaching history in the context of this learning area, and an attempt is also made to provide criteria for an anti-racist approach to history teaching. Further, teaching and learning strategies of how far learners can exhibit antiracist perspectives and attitudes have been developed. Overall, the study found that an interdisciplinary approach - intended to preserve history's identity within the Human and Social Sciences learning area- is worthwhile and essential, given the rich potential of the discipline to enrich and even gain from the unique insights that other disciplines within the learning area can provide. It is evident that history, either by itself or in association with other disciplines, lends itself well to Outcomes-based Education; and that while it is important and necessary to differentiate between learning outcomes on the one hand, and aims and objectives on the other, the former and the latter two demonstrate some significant overlaps. Given the crucial importance of improving race and a range of other relations in South Africa, the findings of the study seem to prove to be a feasible and indeed critically important way in which history teaching could deal with racial and other forms of viprejudice, injustice and discrimination. This seems to be the case because the findings reveal that learners registered progress in various aspects of anti-racist history teaching. Given the gains by learners, therefore, an Outcomes-based history teaching within the Human and Social Sciences learning area would seem to be an essential approach to learning programme development in the South African system of education and training. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Didactics)

This study uses Frantz Fanon‟s thoughts on race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals as the theoretical framework and examines the positionality of Sipho Seepe, Xolela Mangcu and Andile Mngxitama as black public intellectuals in order to understand how they view the post-1994 political discourse. Seepe, Mangcu and Mngxitama‟s views are studied by analysing themes emerging from newspaper columns they have written. This study reveals that the three black public intellectuals examined have been radical and forthright, though they display different understandings of race and blackness, the black elite and black public intellectuals. However, the study reveals that only Mngxitama‟s postionality has been consistently radical, whereas Seepe and Mangcu‟s views have been fluid and are now considered moderate. This study concludes by highlighting the relevance of Fanon‟s thoughts in enabling a new reading of post-1994 South Africa. Of central importance is the creation of the „new being‟, who is informed by the process of liberation, which is the antithesis of the black condition. / Political Sciences / M. A. (Politics)

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The 1994 election seems to stand as a clear divide between past and present in South Africa. But while it was believed that this election would catapult South Africa into a promising new era of democracy and equality, it has become all too clear that the transition was unfortunately limited to the political sphere. Despite some progress being made in the economic sphere, we still have a visible correlation between race and class – a correlation that certainly stems from the apartheid era, signifying a definite continuity of an era long past. In the social sphere we have also struggled to achieve complete integration. We find that racial categories of old have remained an important part of the ‘new’ South Africa. While we were promised a non-racial country, government policies such as Affirmative Action and Black Economic Empowerment have been a constant reminder of supposed racial differences – signifying another continuity of apartheid. While the post-apartheid period can be summarised as a period of change, we find that it can also be summarised by the continuities of the past. It was found that, specifically in my research area, a rural farmers’ community, the continuities of the past are visible in the everyday structures of society. For my research subjects, white Afrikaners, it was found that the 1994 election proved to be no ‘road to Damascus’ regarding beliefs about the racial other. I found that interracial social interaction is still governed by fixed racial boundaries that are rarely crossed and, if crossed, this is done so conditionally. These boundaries seemed to be reinforced by the active socialisation of a community. While many argue that the post-apartheid period has brought on an identity crisis for white Afrikaners, I found that my research subjects have failed to encounter such a crisis, as they have held on to fixed racial boundaries in an attempt to preserve and protect their identity. We find ourselves in a time where we are urged to move beyond our apartheid past, yet many are unable to do so. But the question remains: given our past, should this come as a surprise to anyone? / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die verkiesing van 1994 staan as ‘n duidelike skeiding tussen die verlede en die hede in Suid-Afrika. Maar al is daar geglo dat hierdie verkiesing Suid-Afrika in ‘n belowende nuwe era van demokrasie en gelykheid sou inskiet, het dit al hoe meer duidelik geraak dat die oorgang ongelukkig tot die politieke sfeer beperk was. Ten spyte van vordering in die ekonomiese sfeer, vind ons nog steeds dat daar ‘n sigbare ooreenkoms tussen ras en klas is – ‘n ooreenkoms wat seer seker geërf is vanaf apartheid en dui op ‘n definitiewe voortsetting van ‘n era wat lankal verby is. In die sosiale sfeer sukkel ons ook om volkome integrasie te bereik. Ons vind dat die rasse-kategorieë van ouds steeds ‘n belangrike deel van die ‘nuwe’ Suid Afrika bly. Hoewel ‘n nie-rassige land belowe is, dien regeringsbeleide soos Regstellende Aksie en Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging as ‘n konstante herinnering aan sogenaamde rasseverskille – nog ‘n voortsetting van apartheid. Terwyl die post-apartheid tydperk opgesom kan word as ‘n tydperk van verandering, vind ons dat dit ook opgesom kan word deur voortsettings van die verlede. Veral in my navorsingsgebied, ‘n plattelandse boeregemeenskap, het ek gevind dat die voortsettings van die verlede sigbaar was in die alledaagse strukture van die samelewing. Vir my navorsingssubjekte, blanke Afrikaners, is dit gevind dat die 1994-verkiesing geensins gedien het as ‘n ‘pad na Damaskus’ in terme van oortuigings aangaande die ‘ander’ ras nie. Ek het gevind dat interrassige sosiale interaksie steeds regeer word deur gevestigde rasse grense wat selde oorgesteek word, en indien wel oorgesteek, word dit voorwaardelike gedoen. Dit wil voorkom of hierdie grense versterk word deur die aktiewe sosialisering van die gemeenskap. Terwyl baie outeurs argumenteer dat die post-apartheidtydperk ‘n identiteitskrisis vir blanke Afrikaners tot gevolg gehad het, het ek gevind dat my navorsingssubjekte nie so ‘n krisis ervaar het nie omdat hulle vasklou aan gevestigde rassegrense in ‘n poging om hul identiteit te bewaar en beskerm. Ons vind onsself in ‘n tyd waar ons aangespoor word om verby ons apartheid verlede te beweeg, maar steeds is baie mense nie in staat om dit te doen nie. Die vraag bly staan: gegewe ons verlede, kom dit vir enigiemand as ‘n verrassing?