This paper focuses on Turkey’s foreign energy policy with a special focus on cases ofNabucco and South Stream Gas Pipeline Projects and examines the issue from the perspectiveof “realist theory”.The research question aims to discover the realist tendency in Turkishforeign energy policy and to find out which gas pipeline project is more beneficial in terms ofnational interest for Turkey and also relevant for meeting the goals of Turkish Foreign EnergyPolicy.Energy is the key concept of the discussions about future of our world and sustainabledevelopment. If energy functions as a subject that increases the tensions between countriesthis means a threat to sustainable development since it becomes a factor jeopardizing peaceand makes cooperation between states imporssible. Also; energy constitutes a fundamentalplace national strategies of states along with sustainable development.In order to make the theory operational, three main dimensions, being security, economicsand strategic are used as tools or in other words as filters to look through, in the analysis offoreign and energy policy, as well as cases of Nabucco and South Stream Gas Pipeline Projects.

abstract: Race is a complex system founded on social ideologies that categorize and evaluate human beings into different groups based on their visible characteristics (e.g., skin color) that, according to this notion of race, indicate a person's personal traits (e.g., intelligence). The concept of race has been an integral part of American society since the ratification of the United States Constitution in the late 18th century. Early on, the practice of race within American society established one particular group as the norm: the White Anglo-Saxon Protestant. By the late 19th and early 20th centuries, the distinctions among racial groups essentially came down to "white" and "nonwhite." Consequently, certain social inequalities were bestowed upon those groups that did not fit the model of the dominant "white" group. Autobiographies, especially those from marginalized groups, can serve as an important source of these social disparities since the author is able to recount their own social experiences vis-à-vis racial practices within society. With this in mind, this thesis analyses the concept of race in relation to the personal experiences of two authors through their respective autobiographies: Hunger of Memory: The Education of Richard Rodriguez (1982) by Richard Rodriguez and How Did You Get to Be Mexican?: A White/Brown Man's Search for Identity (1999) by Kevin R. Johnson. The critical work of Paula M. L. Moya, Linda Martín Alcoff, Hazel Rose Markus, George M. Fredrickson, Genaro M. Padilla and others are used as the theoretical framework in the literary analysis of these authors' texts. In summary, the results of this study demonstrate the concept of race as a salient aspect in regards to the ideological formation of each respective author. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Spanish 2014

Nicholas John Spykman, né en 1893 aux Pays-Bas, naturalisé américain en 1928, mort en 1943, est considéré comme l’un des pères de la « théorie géopolitique ». Eminent professeur de Yale, où il est en 1934-35 le fondateur du premier département de Relations internationales, il marque profondément le débat intellectuel à l’orée des années 40, en se faisant l’avocat de la géographie politique comme nouvelle méthode d’analyse de politique étrangère. Son influence est importante dans le domaine, nouveau pour l’époque, de la « sécurité nationale », puisqu’il est considéré, à l’instar de George Kennan, comme l’inspirateur indirect de la théorie du containment de la doctrine Truman. Ses théories réalistes, débattues avec violence à partir de 1942 en raison de leur supposé « cynisme », marquent une rupture avec l’idéalisme des années 20 et 30. Au-delà de quelques topoi, peu de choses sont néanmoins approfondies le concernant. Une recherche bibliographique systématique permet d’établir que 80% de ses écrits n’ont pas été étudiés ; à la vérité, ils ne sont pas même connus. Il n’existe aucune biographie de Spykman à ce jour, même aux Etats-Unis, ce qui peut être regardé comme une anomalie, s’il est vraiment l’inspirateur du containment. Ce travail de recherche a pour objectif de combler une lacune de l’historiographie américaine, en réévaluant la place d’un théoricien central mais mal connu, à l’aide de nombreuses archives inédites. Cette thèse éclaire l’histoire de la formalisation de la théorie des Relations internationales aux Etats-Unis, et des rapports fonctionnels qu’entretient depuis ses origines la puissance américaine avec la notion polysémique de la « sécurité nationale ». / Nicholas John Spykman, born in 1893 in the Netherlands, a naturalized U.S. citizen in 1928, died in 1943. He is unanimously considered as one of the fathers of the "geopolitical theory." Eminent professor at Yale, where he is in 1934-35 the founder of the first Department of International Relations, he profoundly influences the intellectual debate on the edge of the 40’, becoming the advocate of political geography as a new method of foreign policy analysis. His influence is crucial in the new field of "national security", as he is considered, like George Kennan, as the indirect inspiration for the containment theory of the Truman Doctrine. His realistic theories, discussed with violence in 1942 because of their supposed « cynism », establish a break with the idealism of the '20s and '30s. Beyond some topoi, however, few things are really known about this central actor. A systematic literature review establishes that 80% of his writings have not been studied. In truth, they are not even known. There is no biography of Spykman to this day, even in the United States, which can be regarded as an anomaly if he is really the « Godfather of Containment». This thesis aims at filling a gap in American historiography, in a view to reassessing the place of a central but unfamiliar theorist. The research illuminates the history of the theoric formalization of International Relations in the United States, and also reappraises the functional relationships that America has, since its inception, with the polysemic notion of "national security."

Climate change caused by greenhouse gas emissions has the potential to cause widespread damage to the environment. As scientific and political consensus converged on the necessity to take action, a large number of countries negotiated the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change in 1997, with the goal of limiting these emissions. Australia under the Howard Government initially played an important part in these negotiations, but refused to ratify the Protocol. The government cited the lack of binding targets on developing countries and the potential for harm to the Australian economy as the reasons it rejected the agreement. International relations theory studies large-scale political forces and analyses their interplay in the global political system. Realism is a model of international relations that views countries as self-interested, security-driven bodies that exist in a state of international anarchy. This study examines whether realist theory offers a satisfactory explanation for the Howard Government’s decision not to ratify the Kyoto Protocol. The study focuses on six realist ideas and examines the evidence for each. Based on thematic analysis of textual data taken from official political archives and newspapers from 1998–2004, it suggests that realist theory does provide an adequate explanation of the Howard Government’s rejection of the Kyoto Protocol.