Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2017-08-21T15:35:24Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Dissertação Mestrado Ciencia Politica 2016 Manuela Souza.pdf: 3241380 bytes, checksum: 46e022e0cbe84816270b2853fc259a21 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-21T15:35:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Dissertação Mestrado Ciencia Politica 2016 Manuela Souza.pdf: 3241380 bytes, checksum: 46e022e0cbe84816270b2853fc259a21 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / CAPES / A percepção da renda pelos indivíduos influencia suas preferências redistributivas? Proponho verificar se a percepção do nível de renda importa na formação de preferências redistributivas, a partir da análise dos dados disponibilizados no World Values Surveys (2010-2014). O argumento teórico tradicional na Ciência Política caracteriza a relação entre a renda real e a formação de preferências redistributivas como um questionamento central na demanda por redistribuição em governos democráticos. Apesar dessa questão de pesquisa já ser tradicional, proponho que as preferências dos indivíduos, quanto ao papel redistributivo do estado, são pautadas na percepção da desigualdade. Empiricamente, pretendo testar a hipótese de que quanto maior o nível de renda percebida, menor serão as preferências redistributivas com dados para América Latina. Esse trabalho testa a hipótese apresentada através da combinação de estatística descritiva e um modelo de regressão logística ordenada. Os resultados encontrados corroboram com a expectativa da literatura existente de uma relação negativa entre percepção do nível de renda e preferências redistributivas. A probabilidade de ter um apoio a preferências redistributivas é maior entre aqueles que afirmam que o nível de renda percebida é baixo. Não obstante, os efeitos marginais constatam que a probabilidade de ser favorável à redistribuição ainda é expressiva entre aqueles que possuem um nível de renda percebida elevado. / The perception of income by individuals influences their redistributive preferences? I propose to verify if the perception of income level matters in the formation of redistributive preferences, from the analysis of the data available on the World Values Surveys (2010-2014). Traditional Theoretical argument in political science characterizes the relationship between real income and the formation of redistributive preferences as a central question in the demand for redistribution in democratic governments. Although this research question is already traditional, I propose that the preferences of individuals, on the redistributive role of the state, are guided by the perception of inequality. Empirically, I intend to test the hypothesis that the higher the perceived level of income, the lower will be the redistributive preferences with data for Latin America. This work tests the hypothesis presented by combining descriptive statistics and logistic regression model ordered. The results corroborate the expectation of the literature of a negative relationship between perceived level of income and redistributive preferences. The probability of having a support for redistributive preference is higher among those who claim that the perceived income level is low. Nevertheless, the marginal effects find that the probability of being in favor of redistribution is still significant among those with a sense of high income level.

During the last decades a stronger role for the regions has developed in many West European countries. To a significant degree this regionalisation trend has coincided with European integration. The key change in the role of the regional level has been with regard to its status as an agent of regional development. In most West European countries there has been a shift from an approach to regional policy that has focused on redistributive measures from the centre in which the regions play a relatively weak role to a perspective that is sometimes labelled “new regionalism” in which the focus is on the region taking responsibility for its own development. In this new regionalist perspective, which is both descriptive and normative, the region is considered as the appropriate arena for both economic activities and decision-making. In the political systems of the Nordic countries the regional level has traditionally been in a relatively weak position and regional policy has emphasized centralisation and redistributive measures. Not unexpectedly, the pan-European trend toward a stronger role for the region has also found its way to the Nordic countries. The aim of this study is to describe and analyze if and to what extent key actors in three peripheral regions, situated in countries with a strong tradition of redistribution from the centre and a weak role for the regional level, have embraced the new regionalist perspective. The three regions are Troms in Norway, Pohjois-Pohjanmaa in Finland and Västerbotten in Sweden. All are peripherally located with small populations and economies that rely heavily on natural resources. The analysis is based on interviews with regional and local politicians, civil servants, and business representatives. The empirical material is presented in the form of narratives formulated by the regional actors who express their views on regional policy and the role of the region. The results of the study show that regional actors in the three peripheries express similar narratives. To a certain degree actors have embraced the new regionalist perspective in the sense that they see the regional level as an important coordinator for development initiatives and measures. However, the actors’ claims for a stronger regional level must be understood in the context of the unitary state. In this context, the actors’ perspective combines the new regionalist and the centralist redistributive approach, one that can be labelled ‘redistributive regionalism’. The state remains the key actor and is expected to guarantee equal conditions in all parts of the country. The emphasis on strengthening the administrative region is more pronounced in Troms and Västerbotten than in Pohjois-Pohjanmaa, where instead there is a stronger focus on the functional region. Actors in the three regions do not see any contradiction between a strong state and increased regional influence on development issues. In sum, the study finds that the new regionalist perspective has been embraced to a certain extent but that it has been adapted to national characteristics, as well as to the specific conditions in the three regions.

No description available.

This thesis investigates the effect of union members’ position in the wage distribution on income inequality in Germany between 1998 and 2019. Specifically, data from the German Socio-Economic Panel are analyzed on two levels. Regression analyses on the sector-year and individual level show that if a large share of union members is relatively well positioned in the wage spectrum, the inequality-reducing union effect weakens.The purpose of this thesis is to provide evidence on within-union dynamics that might contribute to the continued union decline in many industrialized economies. This thesis fills a gap in the literature as most researchers focus either on how union strength affects income inequality or look at how union members’ wages affect their preferences on redistribution. By directly studying the effect of union members’ wages on inequality levels, this thesis additionally engages with the theoretical tradition of Power Resource Theory (PRT). Specifically, this analysis confirms that union strength and income inequality are negatively associated. However, it also provides evidence for a central critique of PRT, suggesting that working-class interest is heterogeneous and not homogeneous as PRT presumes.

On any given day almost 400,000 children in the United States are living in an out-of-home care placement due to government intervention. Federal law allows for substantial variance in state child welfare policy on a number of topics. These policy decisions, however, are understudied both in terms of the forces driving them and also the impacts the policies have on actual outcomes for children in care. Utilizing a unique panel data set comprised of thirteen child welfare policies that vary both between states and over time we examine how well redistributive theory (constituent, institutional, paternalistic and resource pressures) explains state policy decisions from 2004-2010. The results provide very little confidence that redistributive pressures are driving state variance, though there are some noteworthy patterns. Within the four categories of explanatory variables, it would seem that child welfare policies are much more sensitive to changes in the social factors associated with a paternalistic response (unmarried birth rate and program utilization) and resource pressures than to constituent or institutional characteristics. Subsequently, a series of hazard models were conducted for each possible discharge outcome, using child level data from the 2010 AFCARS foster care dataset, with primary interest in the influence of policy and state level factors. Policy-level predictors primarily had negative impacts on discharge outcomes for children. Exceptions include better outcomes for children in states with higher generosity of access, increased rates of adoption and aging out with higher ASFA timeline compliance, and more discharges to reunification and adoption with more flexible adoption policy. State level factors consistently showed strong influences on child outcomes. While increased unemployment was associated with worse child outcomes, all other state level factors considered were associated with positive discharge outcomes for children in out-of-home care. This research broadens the theoretical application of redistributive theory to a new policy arena and adds an additional layer of state level explanatory variables to the much-studied outcomes for children in out-of-home care. It establishes that children and families do not exist in a vacuum and that child welfare research must take broader state and policy factors into account for a complete picture.

Submitted by Geyciane Santos (geyciane_thamires@hotmail.com) on 2015-08-18T13:00:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Carlos Porto Júnior.pdf: 824149 bytes, checksum: 4889dae4fcde09137394d1679111c537 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-08-18T19:04:09Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Carlos Porto Júnior.pdf: 824149 bytes, checksum: 4889dae4fcde09137394d1679111c537 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-08-18T19:08:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Carlos Porto Júnior.pdf: 824149 bytes, checksum: 4889dae4fcde09137394d1679111c537 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-08-18T19:08:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Carlos Porto Júnior.pdf: 824149 bytes, checksum: 4889dae4fcde09137394d1679111c537 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-30 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This dissertation, considering as a case study the municipalities of Amazonas, aim to analyze: firstly, the existing relationship between the constitutional fiscal transfers of the federal government to the municipalities (classified as redistributive) and the principal revenue of those municipalities. And then, find the importance of this revenue on their Gross Domestic Product. The results show that the municipalities depend strongly on the intergovernmental transfers. There is no doubt on the importance of intergovernmental transfer systems in a country like Brazil that has federalism as a form of government. The system of intergovernmental fiscal transfers is an important instrument for reducing the interregional inequalities and also an important factor for minimizing the existing conflicts in the federation. / Esta dissertação, considerando como estudo de caso os municípios amazonenses, teve como objetivos analisar, primeiramente, a relação existente entre as transferências constitucionais intergovernamentais da União para os municípios, classificadas como redistributivas, e as principais receitas daqueles municípios. Depois, saber qual a participação das receitas no Produto Interno Bruto dos municípios. Os resultados encontrados evidenciam que os municípios dependem fortemente das transferências intergovernamentais. Não há dúvida sobre a importância de um sistema de transferências intergovernamentais dentro de um sistema federativo de governo, como o do Estado brasileiro. Este mecanismo se constitui, efetivamente, em um importante instrumento para a redução das desigualdades inter-regionais e um fator relevante para minimizar os conflitos existentes na federação.

As economic inequality constantly grows, understanding what drives individuals’ support for redistribution is as critical as ever. In the current dissertation, we find evidence suggesting that attitudes towards reducing economic inequality can be experienced with moral conviction (i.e., perceived as rooted in one’s core beliefs about right and wrong). This, in turn, can motivate support for redistribution. In Study 1, reducing economic inequality moral conviction scores were comparable to other highly moralized topics (e.g., euthanasia), and higher than lowly moralized topics (e.g., tattoos). In Studies 2 and 3, a greater moral conviction for reducing economic inequality (family wealth and family income, respectively) positively predicted support for redistributive government policies (such as minimum wages and tax breaks increases) – also when controlling for income, subjective socio-economic inequality and economic system justification (i.e., other critical predictors of support for redistribution). Furthermore, this relationship was mediated by empathic concern (with mixed results) and structural causal attributions. Finally, Study 4 showed how moral conviction predicted a positive evaluation of poverty reduction program – even in the face of negative evidence (i.e., description of a fictitious family misusing their welfare bonuses). Moreover, moral conviction worked as a predictor of family evaluation when positive cases were shown. Overall, our findings highlight the importance of one’s moral conviction as a motivator of support for redistributive policies - suggesting that future research should take into account addressing not only implications concerning cost and benefits, but individuals’ personal moral considerations as well.

A tese discute as relações entre pacto federativo e financiamento da educação, tendo como eixo a problematização da função supletiva e redistributiva da União, especialmente pelas ações executadas pelo FNDE, no período de 1995 a 2006. Adota-se o pressuposto de que os regimes federados procuram instituir um padrão mínimo de equalização nas condições de acesso a serviços públicos, como um dos elementos centrais para a própria sobrevivência do pacto federativo. No Brasil, esse pressuposto foi reiterado, uma vez que a Constituição Federal explicita que cabe à União o exercício da função supletiva e redistributiva em relação aos demais entes federados, tendo em vista a diminuição das desigualdades regionais. A pesquisa desenvolvida se configura como uma análise de políticas públicas, tendo como foco o exame dos critérios que fundamentam a distribuição dos recursos federais para a educação pública ofertada pelos estados e municípios, por intermédio do FNDE, procurando a existência de coerência entre os pressupostos que fundamentam a ação dessa autarquia e a distribuição final de seus recursos. A realização da pesquisa envolveu uma rigorosa revisão bibliográfica sobre o conceito de federalismo e sobre o federalismo brasileiro, com base nas obras de autores da Ciência Política e da Economia, como Riker; Lijphart; Stepan; Levi; Hamilton, Madison e Jay; Schultze; Bothe; Théret; Fiori; Affonso, Camargo, A.; Oliveira, F.; Souza, C.; Afonso; Arretche; Abrucio; Casseb; Rezende; Prado, dentre outros. A análise das políticas de financiamento da educação abarcou o estudo da legislação e dos documentos governamentais, assim como das contribuições de pesquisadores da área, como Castro; Davies; Pinto; Oliveira, R.; Gemaque; Santos, K.; Souza Junior e Arelaro. Para a investigação sobre o papel desenvolvido pelo FNDE, além das referências teóricas, como Castro e Parente, dentre outros, foram analisados os documentos e os dados da execução dos recursos geridos pela autarquia, de 1995 a 2006, bem como a legislação que fundamenta os programas implementados. A investigação também contemplou a realização de entrevistas e contatos sistemáticos com vários setores do FNDE, do MEC e da Secretaria do Tesouro Nacional. Para avaliar o padrão de distribuição dos recursos, foi calculado o valor-aluno FNDE, que foi confrontado com os dados referentes às desigualdades sociais e educacionais no Brasil. A pesquisa permitiu concluir que o modelo federativo brasileiro encaminha para um tipo de federalismo caracterizado como executivo, porque, sistematicamente, a União define unilateralmente políticas que confinam a autonomia dos entes federados. Além disso, a questão tributária e as desigualdades regionais se revelaram como limites ao pleno desenvolvimento do modelo federado no país. No campo do financiamento da educação, verificou-se que a União não cumpre a função supletiva e redistributiva prevista constitucionalmente. O FNDE, embora um órgão fundamental de financiamento da educação, ainda cumpre de forma incipiente a tarefa de equalizar oportunidades educacionais, pois, mesmo que se observe importante movimento de definição de critérios equalizadores de distribuição de recursos, os valores geridos pela autarquia e os intervenientes políticopartidários, principalmente nas transferências voluntárias, ainda não permitem a diminuição das disparidades nas condições de oferta educacional no país. / This thesis discusses the relationship between federative pact and financing of education, whose main point is questioning the supplementary and redistributive function of the Union, especially by the actions implemented by FNDE from 1995 to 2006. Its assumed that the federal administration attempts to establish a minimum standard of equalization under the conditions of access to public services, as one of the core elements for the very survival of the federative pact. In Brazil, this assumption has been reiterated once the Federal Constitution makes clear that it falls to the Union the assignment of supplementary and redistributive function in relation to other federal bodies, aiming to reduce regional inequalities. The research is an analysis of public policies, which focus on the examination of criteria that underpin the distribution of federal resources to the public education offered by states and municipalities, through the FNDE, seeking the existence of consistency between the assumptions underlying the action of that autarchy and the final distribution of its resources. The study comprehended a rigorous bibliographic review on the concept of federalism and on Brazilian federalism, based upon works by authors on economics and political science like Riker; Lijphart; Stepan; Levi; Hamilton; Madison and Jay; Schultze; Bothe; Théret; Fiori; Affonso; Camargo, A.; Oliveira, F.; Souza, C.; Afonso; Arretche; Abrúcio; Casseb; Rezende; Prado among others. Analysis of funding policies for education covered the study of legislation and government documents, as well as the contributions of researchers in the field such as Castro; Davies; Oliveira, R.; Gemaque; Santos, K.; Souza Junior and Arelaro. For research on the role played by FNDE, in addition to theoretical references as Castro and Parente among others, the documents and data used to implement the resources managed by the autarchy from 1995 to 2006 were analyzed, as well as the legislation that gives support to the programs implemented. The investigation also included interviews and systematic contacts with various sectors of FNDE, MEC and the National Treasury. In order to evaluate the resources distribution patterns, the FNDE student-value was calculated and confronted with the data concerning the social and educational inequalities in Brazil. The research made it possible to conclude that the federative Brazilian model moves into a type of federalism characterized as executive because systematically the Union defines unilaterally policies bordering the autonomy of federal bodies. Furthermore, taxation issue and regional inequalities have proved to be the limits to the full development of the federate model in the country. Concerning the funding for education, it was noticed that the Union does not fulfill the redistributive and supplementary function constitutionally provided. Although FNDE is a fundamental body for the financing of education, it still complies incipiently the task of equalizing educational opportunities, and even if it complies with important equalizing movement distribution criteria of resources, the values managed by local autarchy and political interference, especially in voluntary transfers, they still do not allow the reduction of disparities in conditions of educational supply in Brazil.

A tese discute as relações entre pacto federativo e financiamento da educação, tendo como eixo a problematização da função supletiva e redistributiva da União, especialmente pelas ações executadas pelo FNDE, no período de 1995 a 2006. Adota-se o pressuposto de que os regimes federados procuram instituir um padrão mínimo de equalização nas condições de acesso a serviços públicos, como um dos elementos centrais para a própria sobrevivência do pacto federativo. No Brasil, esse pressuposto foi reiterado, uma vez que a Constituição Federal explicita que cabe à União o exercício da função supletiva e redistributiva em relação aos demais entes federados, tendo em vista a diminuição das desigualdades regionais. A pesquisa desenvolvida se configura como uma análise de políticas públicas, tendo como foco o exame dos critérios que fundamentam a distribuição dos recursos federais para a educação pública ofertada pelos estados e municípios, por intermédio do FNDE, procurando a existência de coerência entre os pressupostos que fundamentam a ação dessa autarquia e a distribuição final de seus recursos. A realização da pesquisa envolveu uma rigorosa revisão bibliográfica sobre o conceito de federalismo e sobre o federalismo brasileiro, com base nas obras de autores da Ciência Política e da Economia, como Riker; Lijphart; Stepan; Levi; Hamilton, Madison e Jay; Schultze; Bothe; Théret; Fiori; Affonso, Camargo, A.; Oliveira, F.; Souza, C.; Afonso; Arretche; Abrucio; Casseb; Rezende; Prado, dentre outros. A análise das políticas de financiamento da educação abarcou o estudo da legislação e dos documentos governamentais, assim como das contribuições de pesquisadores da área, como Castro; Davies; Pinto; Oliveira, R.; Gemaque; Santos, K.; Souza Junior e Arelaro. Para a investigação sobre o papel desenvolvido pelo FNDE, além das referências teóricas, como Castro e Parente, dentre outros, foram analisados os documentos e os dados da execução dos recursos geridos pela autarquia, de 1995 a 2006, bem como a legislação que fundamenta os programas implementados. A investigação também contemplou a realização de entrevistas e contatos sistemáticos com vários setores do FNDE, do MEC e da Secretaria do Tesouro Nacional. Para avaliar o padrão de distribuição dos recursos, foi calculado o valor-aluno FNDE, que foi confrontado com os dados referentes às desigualdades sociais e educacionais no Brasil. A pesquisa permitiu concluir que o modelo federativo brasileiro encaminha para um tipo de federalismo caracterizado como executivo, porque, sistematicamente, a União define unilateralmente políticas que confinam a autonomia dos entes federados. Além disso, a questão tributária e as desigualdades regionais se revelaram como limites ao pleno desenvolvimento do modelo federado no país. No campo do financiamento da educação, verificou-se que a União não cumpre a função supletiva e redistributiva prevista constitucionalmente. O FNDE, embora um órgão fundamental de financiamento da educação, ainda cumpre de forma incipiente a tarefa de equalizar oportunidades educacionais, pois, mesmo que se observe importante movimento de definição de critérios equalizadores de distribuição de recursos, os valores geridos pela autarquia e os intervenientes políticopartidários, principalmente nas transferências voluntárias, ainda não permitem a diminuição das disparidades nas condições de oferta educacional no país. / This thesis discusses the relationship between federative pact and financing of education, whose main point is questioning the supplementary and redistributive function of the Union, especially by the actions implemented by FNDE from 1995 to 2006. Its assumed that the federal administration attempts to establish a minimum standard of equalization under the conditions of access to public services, as one of the core elements for the very survival of the federative pact. In Brazil, this assumption has been reiterated once the Federal Constitution makes clear that it falls to the Union the assignment of supplementary and redistributive function in relation to other federal bodies, aiming to reduce regional inequalities. The research is an analysis of public policies, which focus on the examination of criteria that underpin the distribution of federal resources to the public education offered by states and municipalities, through the FNDE, seeking the existence of consistency between the assumptions underlying the action of that autarchy and the final distribution of its resources. The study comprehended a rigorous bibliographic review on the concept of federalism and on Brazilian federalism, based upon works by authors on economics and political science like Riker; Lijphart; Stepan; Levi; Hamilton; Madison and Jay; Schultze; Bothe; Théret; Fiori; Affonso; Camargo, A.; Oliveira, F.; Souza, C.; Afonso; Arretche; Abrúcio; Casseb; Rezende; Prado among others. Analysis of funding policies for education covered the study of legislation and government documents, as well as the contributions of researchers in the field such as Castro; Davies; Oliveira, R.; Gemaque; Santos, K.; Souza Junior and Arelaro. For research on the role played by FNDE, in addition to theoretical references as Castro and Parente among others, the documents and data used to implement the resources managed by the autarchy from 1995 to 2006 were analyzed, as well as the legislation that gives support to the programs implemented. The investigation also included interviews and systematic contacts with various sectors of FNDE, MEC and the National Treasury. In order to evaluate the resources distribution patterns, the FNDE student-value was calculated and confronted with the data concerning the social and educational inequalities in Brazil. The research made it possible to conclude that the federative Brazilian model moves into a type of federalism characterized as executive because systematically the Union defines unilaterally policies bordering the autonomy of federal bodies. Furthermore, taxation issue and regional inequalities have proved to be the limits to the full development of the federate model in the country. Concerning the funding for education, it was noticed that the Union does not fulfill the redistributive and supplementary function constitutionally provided. Although FNDE is a fundamental body for the financing of education, it still complies incipiently the task of equalizing educational opportunities, and even if it complies with important equalizing movement distribution criteria of resources, the values managed by local autarchy and political interference, especially in voluntary transfers, they still do not allow the reduction of disparities in conditions of educational supply in Brazil.

In the first chapter, I quantify the welfare effect of eliminating the U.S. capital income tax under international financial integration. I employ a two-country, heterogeneous-agent incomplete markets model calibrated to represent the U.S. and the rest of the world. Short-run and long-run factor price dynamics are key: after the tax reform, post-tax interest rate increases less under financial openness relative to autarky. Therefore the wealth-rich households gain less. Post-tax wages also fall less, so the wealth-poor are hurt less. Hence, the fraction in favor of the reform increases, although the majority still prefers the status quo. Aggregate welfare effect to the U.S. is a permanent 0.2 % consumption equivalent loss under financial openness which is 85.5 % smaller than the welfare loss under autarky. The second chapter aims to answer two questions: What helps forecast U.S. inflation? What causes the observed changes in the predictive ability of variables commonly used in forecasting US inflation? In macroeconomic analysis and inflation forecasting, the traditional Phillips curve has been widely used to exploit the empirical relationship between inflation and domestic economic activity. Atkeson and Ohanian (2001), among others, cast doubt on the performance of Phillips curve-based forecasts of U.S. inflation relative to naive forecasts. This indicates a difficulty for policy-making and private sectorâs long term nominal commitments which depend on inflation expectations. The literature suggests globalization may be one reason for this phenomenon. To test this, we evaluate the forecasting ability of global slack measures under an open economy Phillips curve. The results are very sensitive to measures of inflation, forecast horizons and estimation samples. We find however, terms of trade gap, measured as HP-filtered terms of trade, is a good and robust variable to forecast U.S. inflation. Moreover, our forecasts based on the simulated data from a workhorse new open economy macro (NOEM) model indicate that better monetary policy and good luck (i.e. a remarkably benign sample of economic shocks) can account for the empirical observations on forecasting accuracy, while globalization plays a secondary role. / text