O presente trabalho discute o direito à educação básica em Moçambique. Compreendendo o direito à educação como um conjunto de condições que asseguram o acesso, permanência e conclusão de um determinado nível de educação escolar, visa examinar as implicações da reorganização política e econômica do Estado moçambicano na efetivação do direito à educação básica, entre 1987 e 2007. Através de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e análise da literatura especializada reflete sobre os fundamentos do direito à educação e analisa as políticas de educação básica em Moçambique. Para o efeito, além das políticas de educação, analisa dados estatísticos do Sistema Nacional de Educação de Moçambique. O trabalho está dividido em três capítulos, sendo um primeiro de revisão teórica e dois que discutem Estado e políticas de educação em Moçambique no contexto das orientações político-econômicas. No fim, são apresentadas algumas considerações sobre as implicações da reforma do Estado em Moçambique na efetivação do direito à educação básica, com alguns apontamentos sobre as contradições entre o ideário que preconiza a educação enquanto um direito social de cidadania e os pressupostos neoliberais que fundamentam as reformas em causa. / This work intends to contribute to the debate on the right to basic education in Mozambique. Including the right to education as a set of conditions that ensure access, retention and completion of a certain level of education aims to examine the implications of political and economic reorganization of the Mozambican state in the realization of the right to basic education between 1987 and 2007. Through literature and documents and qualitative analysis of the literature, reflects on the foundations of the right to education and examines the policies of basic education in Mozambique. To this end, in addition to education policies, data from the National System of Education in Mozambique are analyzed. The work is divided into three chapters, with the first of theoretical review and two another chapters discussing state and education policies in Mozambique in the context of political-economic review guidelines. In the end, we present some considerations about the implications of state reform in Mozambique in the realization of the right to basic education, with some notes on the contradictions between the ideology which advocates education as a social right of citizenship and neoliberal assumptions that underlie reforms in question.

O presente trabalho discute o direito à educação básica em Moçambique. Compreendendo o direito à educação como um conjunto de condições que asseguram o acesso, permanência e conclusão de um determinado nível de educação escolar, visa examinar as implicações da reorganização política e econômica do Estado moçambicano na efetivação do direito à educação básica, entre 1987 e 2007. Através de pesquisa bibliográfica e documental e análise da literatura especializada reflete sobre os fundamentos do direito à educação e analisa as políticas de educação básica em Moçambique. Para o efeito, além das políticas de educação, analisa dados estatísticos do Sistema Nacional de Educação de Moçambique. O trabalho está dividido em três capítulos, sendo um primeiro de revisão teórica e dois que discutem Estado e políticas de educação em Moçambique no contexto das orientações político-econômicas. No fim, são apresentadas algumas considerações sobre as implicações da reforma do Estado em Moçambique na efetivação do direito à educação básica, com alguns apontamentos sobre as contradições entre o ideário que preconiza a educação enquanto um direito social de cidadania e os pressupostos neoliberais que fundamentam as reformas em causa. / This work intends to contribute to the debate on the right to basic education in Mozambique. Including the right to education as a set of conditions that ensure access, retention and completion of a certain level of education aims to examine the implications of political and economic reorganization of the Mozambican state in the realization of the right to basic education between 1987 and 2007. Through literature and documents and qualitative analysis of the literature, reflects on the foundations of the right to education and examines the policies of basic education in Mozambique. To this end, in addition to education policies, data from the National System of Education in Mozambique are analyzed. The work is divided into three chapters, with the first of theoretical review and two another chapters discussing state and education policies in Mozambique in the context of political-economic review guidelines. In the end, we present some considerations about the implications of state reform in Mozambique in the realization of the right to basic education, with some notes on the contradictions between the ideology which advocates education as a social right of citizenship and neoliberal assumptions that underlie reforms in question.

During the 1990s, standards-based reform became the predominant education reform inthe country. However, neither federal legislation nor state standards-based reform programshave focused much on addressing the needs of special groups. While, the explicit goal ofstandards-based reform was to raise academic achievement of all students, the implicit goal wasto change beliefs about specific groups of students, particularly students who traditionally havebeen perceived as "disadvantaged." This dissertation examines the implementation of standards-based reform policies withpopulations of limited English proficient (LEP) high school students to determine the strength of the Kentucky's policies to include LEP students and the capacity for those policies to influenceeducator beliefs about the abilities of LEP students. The study includes an analysis ofKentucky's reform policies and a case study of one high school English as a Second Languageprogram seen as a leader in implementing standards-based reforms. The case study approachprovided an opportunity to learn about the issues associated with educating LEP high schoolstudents in the context of standards-based reform from the point of view of those who arecharged with implementing these policies. The findings from this study suggest that it is notsufficient to include LEP students in state assessment and accountability systems. In order foraccountability systems to ensure strong student performance, they must also address inequities instudents' opportunities to learn to high standards. The success of Kentucky's policies, as well asother standards-based policies, depends on their ability to drive changes in educator beliefs aboutstudents' capabilities and to drive the creation of local conditions supportive of practicesconsistent with achieving the goals of the Kentucky Education Reform Act.

Thèse (M.Ed.) -- Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, en association avec Universidade do Estado da Bahia, 2004. / Bibliogr.: f. 137-140. Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU

Free Schools entail increased involvement from civil society actors in the provision of State-funded education in England. The increased devolution of freedoms and responsibilities to these 'self-governing' schools is reflected in a significant range of strategic decisions made through the development process. These include decisions over such issues as religious character, social purpose, educational priorities and innovations in organisation. However, which factors influence the exercise of these strategic freedoms within local experiences of the strategic development processes remains unclear. Existing literature and media debate has predominantly focussed on justification for these structural reforms and their educational and social outcomes. In maintaining focus at the macroscopic level the link between policy and outcomes is assumed. Furthermore, discussion at this level may ignore important features of the provision within Free Schools at the local level. This study focusses on how the social experiences of governors provide an alternative narrative within the broader debate on structural reform. It presents empirical findings focused on the reported experiences from 21 governor interviews with those responsible for the development of three Free Schools. Analysis followed a grounded theory methodology in which theoretical sampling was influenced by a broader range of interview, survey and secondary data. Coding of the data revealed that the formation of the vision and purpose, diverse relationships, continuous reorganisation and the positioning of oneself relative to others were recurring themes in the experiences reported within and between the schools. In order to explain the diversity of experiences in relation to these themes three categories were developed, namely motivations, relating and power. Similarities and differences in motivations (including personal relationships, vested interests and subjective judgements), relations (including social groupings and experiences of specific interactions) and power (including its configuration, perpetuation and dynamism) were analysed across the participant accounts. Diverse and manifold motivations and relations emerge in complex responsive processes of relating through which tacit hierarchies, sub-group identities and individual interests emerge in the conduct of loosely defined roles. It is concluded that the freedoms to self-define expose governors to diverse social influences on development. The enduring influence of founding relationships challenges the capacity of governors to maintain the balance required of the critical friend role. Furthermore, the local reallocation of diverse value propositions in school provision does not guarantee the relevance of schools to their communities, or democratic accountability over public spending.

This dissertation reports on a qualitative study of school leadership with nine secondary-school headteachers (of maintained schools) or principals (of academy-type schools) in England. The project maps schooling provision and offers an empirical account of leaders’ identities and practices in neoliberal and neoconservative times. Informed by a critical policy-scholarship methodology, documentary data from primary and secondary sources supplement narrative and semi-structured interviews conducted over 18 months. The findings are reported in five journal articles and one book chapter. The first output maps school types through different lenses: legal status; curriculum; selection; types of academy; and school groupings. The mapping highlights the intersections between the reform agenda and historical diversity. I conceptualise the landscape holistically through locus of legitimacy and branding, arguing that diversification policies facilitate corporatised and religious interests. Second, I show how UTCs and studio schools construct children’s abilities as fixed and differentiable in terms of predicted economic value. They select, but the responsibility for this, following Bourdieu, is transferred discursively from the school through branding and habitus to the “consumers” where it is to be misrecognised as exercising ‘school choice’. Third, I typologise three effects on heads’ and principals’ agency and identities of a few elite multi-academy trust principals, or courtiers, who have won regional empires through expanding their academy chains to occupy the spaces opened up by the dismantling of LAs. Public-sector and school-leader identities and histories permit the promotion of their activities as “school led” and downplays their close relationship with central-state policy makers and private-sector networks. Fourth, I argue that corporatised leadership in schools in England is being promoted through new actors and new types of school. Corporatised leadership is characterised inter alia by the promotion of business interests and the adoption of business-derived leadership practices and identities. I use Bourdieu’s concept of field to explain the impact of business on educational leadership and the dissonance between leaders and led. Fifth, I argue with Gunter that school leaders are removing those who embody or vocalise alternative conceptualisations of educator by eradicating ‘inadequate’ teaching,and implementing the leader’s ‘vision’. We deploy Arendtian thinking to show how current models of school leadership enable totalitarian practices to become ordinary. Sixth, I develop Bourdieu’s concept of hysteresis through narratives from two heads to argue that rather than simply being an effect of change, hysteresis may be an actively sought outcome whereby the state intervenes to deprivilege welfarist headteachers and privilege corporatised principals through structurally facilitating their habitus and mandating its dispositions for the field. Collectively, these findings demonstrate how the diversification of provision in England and the demands of a performative, marketised regime have ontological and professional stakes for school leaders and for the led. Symbolic and economic capital is accruing to the capitalised, facilitated by corporate practices and corporate structural solutions through acquisitions and alliances. Resistance is possible, but a dissident habitus limits standing in the field. This hierarchisation is reflected in the relationship between school types and in how children are meant to self-select into that provision. This is a landscape constituted of positions, where pupils are expected to know their place and the purpose of education is to facilitate social segregation for economic efficiency.

The high school English Language Arts curricula of Central Florida has faced increasing scrutiny during the past decade under often conflicting influences such as a rapidly diversifying student population, activism for and against multicultural curriculum reform, and pressure to streamline curricula and make it conform to state testing standards. Against this social backdrop, the question of how to introduce Inda-Caribbean literature at the secondary level presents unique intellectual and political challenges. On the one hand, first and second generation Inda-Caribbean migrants make up an increasingly significant percentage of Florida's student population. Like other first and second generation Caribbean migrants, Inda-Caribbean students must straddle between their modern Caribbean traditions, juxtaposed with North American societal values; however, their East Indian heritage is rarely reflected in those Caribbean texts that do make it into secondary language arts reading lists. In my thesis, I will explore some of the demographic shifts in Central Florida, consider the extent to which Inda-Caribbean texts might be regarded as representative expressions of Caribbean experience, and suggest how the inclusion of Inda-Caribbean literature in the canon might provide a model for similar curriculum reform in the state of Florida.

In education policy, the irresistible force paradox—what happens when an irresistible force meets an immovable object?—resonates with many characterisations of the dynamics of education reform and the role of teachers’ unions in reform processes. According to many theories of teachers’ unions in the United States, the paradox is resolved in favour of the immovable object: strong teachers’ unions are alleged to block necessary reforms, hampering school effectiveness and efficiency. This research tests these claims about teachers’ unions, and their impact on reform outcomes—particularly, performance-related pay. Despite teachers’ unions’ supposed opposition to performance-related pay (PRP), there are a number of cases—both within and beyond U.S. borders—where PRP has been implemented. By exploring some of these ‘exceptional’ cases, this research outlines the conditions under which reform is likely to occur, and a more specific explanation of reform ‘failure’. It finds that, though education reform is often portrayed as a power struggle between reform proponents and opponents, there are multiple pathways through which reform may occur. Overpowering unions might be one route, but reform can also be secured through cooperation and compromise. These insights have significant implications for theories of teachers’ unions’ strength, preferences, and policy impact. The findings demonstrate that the insufficiency of existing theoretical accounts. Neither union preferences nor power are simple, monolithic, or predictable, and teachers’ unions do not and cannot block reform at all times and in all places. Beyond theory, these findings carry weighty implications for practitioners regarding the role of unions in public policy decision-making.

有感於少年犯罪人數不斷上升，少年犯罪後可能被送到少年輔育院接受感化教育，而管教人員乃實施感化教育之靈魂人物，但目前有關管教人員角色知覺之文獻尚為缺乏。復以，少年輔育院的現有管教人力甚為有限，相對於總是超收的學生尤為見絀。因此，如何在極為有限的人力支應下，協助輔導迷途青少年回歸正軌、重獲新生，進而改善社會治安，著實仰賴管教人員的經驗、智慧與責任感。本研究探討管教人員之角色知覺，望能裨益少年輔育院實施感化教育之成效。 本研究之目的如下： 一、探討少年輔育院管教人員對本身角色的動機、期望與知覺。 二、探討影響少年輔育院管教人員角色扮演的關鍵要素。 三、探討少年輔育院管教人員工作所遇到的困難與因應方法。 四、提出具體可行的建議，使管教人員更能勝任管教工作。 本研究所得重要結論如下： 一、發現 （一）從事管教工作的動機多非出自個人志趣。 （二）管教人員對管教成效大多抱持悲觀保守的態度。 （三）管教人員對本身角色的知覺程度，聘任者為最高，監獄官考試者次之，借調支援者為最低。 （四）具備特定特質為稱職的管教人員的必要條件，能力則為加分要件。 （五）進用方式與穩定性、工作的認同感、管教成效間具有相關性。 （六）管教成效倚賴經驗，經驗漸增，壓力漸減，但可能有副作用。 （七）管教人力配置不足，負責的學生數過多，戒護風險高。 （八）管教職務職責繁重，職缺陞遷誘因不足，造成陞遷序列斷層。 （九）體罰關鍵在於如何實施，而非是否實施。 （十）賞罰分明、處分個別化是管教工作基本原則。 （十一）管教人員間的歧異是管教實務中的風險因子。 （十二）親職教育是管教工作不可或缺的重點。 （十三）感化教育的成敗關鍵，繫於環境的良窳與學生是否具有一技之長。 二、建議 （一）對矯正主管機關的建議 1.重新開放聘任進用管道。 2.改善陞遷誘因，填補正式人力，減少借調支援。 3.增加各班級管教人力配置。 4.遴選管道增加篩選機制。 5.改善同工不同酬問題。 6.訂定體罰實施原則。 （二）對現職管教人員的建議 1.加強學生技能訓練，培養其一技之長。 2.以法治教育為基礎，品德教育為進階，並輔以親職教育。 3.參加法律或心理學相關訓練進修，以減少隔閡或代溝。 4.加強管教人員間的協調一致性、異中求同。 （三）對未來有意任職管教人員者的建議 1.陞任管教職務前，宜整體評估後審慎決定。 2.檢視自身能力，持續提升補強。 3.宜先作好心理建設，配合完整的實務見習與職務歷練。

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T14:16:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sonia Regina Tonetto.pdf: 1372040 bytes, checksum: 8041dda5cc94d8c48e9bf949419c38de (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-03-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work aims to analyze the ideas about methods of teaching science in the early twentieth advocated by prominent scientists as Marcellin Berthelot, Paul Langevin and Henri Poincaré and the important contribution of these scientists in the reform of French teaching, 1902. Furthermore, we sought to understand the difficulties faced in teaching in French schools of that period, we sought to also to understand what these scientists believed to be the ideal science teaching method and the influence of positivist ideas in these discussions. We analyzed in particular the role of Co-operative Education of Mme Curie (1907-1908) and the objectives of the group of teachers, including Paul Langevin, which was involved in the discussions on the reform. This work was developed from the analysis of documents filed at the Institut Curie and at Bibliothèque Nationale de France, texts and books written by scholars and scientists, with direct and indirect participation in the reform, records of lectures, articles and manuscripts of the children who participated in the cooperative, as Isabelle Chavannes and Irène Curie / Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar as ideias sobre métodos de ensino de ciências, no início do século XX, defendidas por cientistas de destaque, como Marcellin Berthelot, Paul Langevin e Henri Poincaré e a importante participação desses cientistas na reforma do ensino francês de 1902. Além disso, procurou-se entender as dificuldades enfrentadas no ensino nas escolas francesas daquele período, compreendendo o que esses cientistas acreditavam ser o método ideal para o ensino de ciências e a influência das ideias positivistas nessas discussões. Analisa-se em particular o papel da Cooperativa de Ensino de Mme Curie (1907-1908) e os objetivos do grupo de professores que, como Paul Langevin, se envolveu nos debates sobre a reforma. Este trabalho foi desenvolvido a partir da análise de documentos depositados no Institut Curie e na Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris, textos da época, livros escritos por estudiosos e cientistas com participação direta e indireta na reforma, registros de conferências, artigos publicados, manuscritos das crianças que participaram da cooperativa, como Isabelle Chavannes e Irène Curie