Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Comparados sobre as Américas, 2013. / Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2013-10-08T16:28:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_AlexandrePereiraRocha.pdf: 2804424 bytes, checksum: db3c9a09417a51c2b1f14001c0bfb1f5 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2013-10-09T12:33:34Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_AlexandrePereiraRocha.pdf: 2804424 bytes, checksum: db3c9a09417a51c2b1f14001c0bfb1f5 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2013-10-09T12:33:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_AlexandrePereiraRocha.pdf: 2804424 bytes, checksum: db3c9a09417a51c2b1f14001c0bfb1f5 (MD5) / Esta tese investiga o campo das polícias militarizadas do Brasil e Chile, tendo como objetos a Polícia Militar do Estado de São Paulo – PMESP e Carabineros de Chile. Numa dimensão histórico-comparativa se analisa como essas polícias são organizadas, controladas e se comportam. É dado enfoque às mudanças ocorridas nas polícias em consequência das variações dos regimes políticos autoritários (Brasil 1964-1985 e Chile 1973-1990) e democráticos (Brasil e Chile a partir dos anos 1980 e 1990, respectivamente). Ressalta que, além dos processos de militarização, cuja tendência é o recrudescimento nos regimes autoritários e abrandamento nos democráticos, PMESP e Carabineros estruturaram um habitus militar próprio. Para elas, isso está representado em uma estética ou caráter militar particular. Com efeito, constituiu-se um campo policial-militar, no qual as polícias militarizadas se reconhecem e buscam diferir das Forças Armadas e das polícias de caráter civil. As mudanças de regimes políticos influíram no grau de militarização da PMESP e Carabineros, mas ao largo disso, entre a ordem militar e a função policial foi sendo escrita a gramática das polícias militarizadas. Das entrelinhas dessa gramática emergem questionamentos, como os abordados por esta tese: qual a dimensão dos regimes políticos autoritários e democráticos sob a arquitetura das polícias militarizadas? O modelo militar de policiamento é incompatível com a democracia? Quais são as possibilidades de desmilitarização das polícias? As respostas para tais questionamentos, quer dizer, as hipóteses desta tese, são apresentadas em três partes. Na primeira, Estruturando a Gramática trata-se dos processos iniciais de militarização das organizações policiais brasileira e chilena. A segunda, Aplicando a Gramática, aborda as variações da militarização das polícias em regimes políticos distintos. Na terceira, Decodificando a Gramática, discute os dilemas das reformas e dos processos de desmilitarização das polícias no Brasil e no Chile. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This thesis investigates the cases of military police in Brazil (São Paulo State Military Police – PMESP) and in Chile (Carbineros). It analyses how these police forces are organized and controlled, as well as their behavior within an historical-comparative dimension. It focuses on the changes beheld on those institutions as a result of variations in the political regimes in both countries, as the authoritarian regime (Brazil from 1964 to 1985 and Chile from 1973 to 1990) and the democratic regime (from the 1980´s onwards in Brazil and from the 1990’s onwards in Chile). It emphasizes how PMESP and Carabineros came to structure not only their military process enhanced during the authoritarian regimes (and loosened during the democratic ones), but also a specific military habitus. Indeed, a police-military field was constituted, in which the militarized police forces recognize themselves and aim to state a difference from Armed Forces and from the Civil police force. Changes in the political regime influenced the degree of militarization of the PMESP and Carabineros police forces, and whilst it, militarized police grammar was being written between the military structure and the police function. Within these grammar lines this thesis tackles some emerging questions: Which is the dimension of the authoritarian and democratic regimes under the militarized police? Is the military police model incompatible with democracy? Which are the possibilities for demilitarization of police forces? The answer to these questions, in other words, this thesis’ hypotheses are presented in three parts. In the first part, Structuring the Grammar, it is shown how the process of militarization of the Brazilian and Chilean police forces was conducted. The second pat, Applying the Grammar, approaches military variations over different political regimes. The third part, Decoding the Grammar, discusses the dilemmas of the reforms and of the demilitarization processes of Brazilian and Chilean police forces.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2013. / Submitted by Albânia Cézar de Melo (albania@bce.unb.br) on 2014-05-13T15:51:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_AlanGabrielCamargo.pdf: 2050507 bytes, checksum: d284dc002055563d2d0879152e134393 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Guimaraes Jacqueline(jacqueline.guimaraes@bce.unb.br) on 2014-05-19T11:34:26Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_AlanGabrielCamargo.pdf: 2050507 bytes, checksum: d284dc002055563d2d0879152e134393 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-19T11:34:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2013_AlanGabrielCamargo.pdf: 2050507 bytes, checksum: d284dc002055563d2d0879152e134393 (MD5) / A presente dissertação tem como objetivo investigar a promoção de democracia por meio do Complexo de Regimes, denominado aqui de Regime Democrático Interamericano (RDI). Para isso, averigua-se se as Instituições Regionais como Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA), Comunidade Andina (CA), Comunidade do Caribe (CC), Mercado Comum do Sul (Mercosul), União das Nações Sul-Americanas (Unasul) e Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos de Nossa América (ALBA) conformam Regimes, segundo a Teoria Funcionalista e, inclusive, se suas propostas podem ser reunidas sob a ideia do referido Complexo. Em seguida, avaliase a eficiência do RDI, propriamente dito, em promover Democracias Liberais no continente, após suas intervenções nas seguintes crises do Pós-Guerra Fria: Bolívia (2003, 2005, 2008); Equador (1997, 2000, 2005, 2010); Guatemala (1993); Haiti (1991-1994; 2001-2006); Honduras (2009-2011); Nicarágua (2005); Paraguai (1996, 1999, 2000, 2012); Peru (1992, 2000) e Venezuela (1992, 2002). Por fim, a partir da avaliação dos resultados desta etapa, chega-se à conclusão sobre a democratização a partir do RDI. Suas regularidades lançam as bases para a inferência da hipótese-conclusiva quanto à promoção de democracia por meio de Regimes. ______________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The present master’s thesis seeks to investigate the promotion of democracy through the Regime Complex, named here as “Regime Democrático Interamericano” (RDI). For this purpose, the Regional Institutions: Organization of American States (OAS), Caribbean Community (CC), South Common Market (Mercosul), South-American Nations Unity (Unasul) and Bolivarian Alliance for the People of our Americas (ALBA) are tested as Regimes, according to the Functionalist Theory, and their components are pooled in the quoted Regime Complex. Then, the thesis evaluates the RDI effectiveness to promote Liberal Democracies in the continent, after their interventions in the following Post-Cold War crises: Bolivia (2003, 2005, 2008); Ecuador (1997, 2000, 2005, 2010); Guatemala (1993); Haiti (1991-1994, 2001-2006); Honduras (2009-2011); Nicaragua (2005); Paraguay (1996, 1999, 2000, 2012); Peru (1992, 2000) and Venezuela (1992, 2002). Finally, based on the evaluation of all results, the dissertation brings the conclusion on democratization through RDI. The regularities of this research open opportunity to infer the conclusive-hypothesis on the promotion of democracy through Regimes.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-04-24T17:08:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Marconi Rates Santiago Sobrinho.pdf: 1486053 bytes, checksum: f8731001d9a979ded88329596993f9c2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-24T17:08:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Marconi Rates Santiago Sobrinho.pdf: 1486053 bytes, checksum: f8731001d9a979ded88329596993f9c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-27 / CAPES / The present study aims to examine, in the light of International Relations Regimes theory, the harmonization of Intellectual Property Regime in the modern international scenery - Post- TRIPS - and its influence on technological and economic development of the countries subject to this specific regime, observing the perspectives of developed and developing countries.The theme of Intellectual Property became more important through the debates that led to the creation of the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the specific international organization on the subject, namely, the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO). It is a topic of high political value present in international agendas of economic blocs and individual states; that is why there is a need to broaden the discussion of intellectual property, and to identify the impact of this particular regime on the results and behavior of the countries subject to the regime in its economic area.There is a patent need to verify whether there is harmonization between the principles, norms, rules and procedures on policy decisions of states, in addition to observe the effectiveness of the regime in relation to national development. Finally, it is noticed that the relationship between the rules of intellectual property and the economic and technological development of states care not directly related, it means, there is no necessary bond between them. However, international and domestic policies that build on foundations of the intellectual property system help, in fact, the construction of a national system able to assist the process of national development. / O presente trabalho busca analisar, à luz das Teorias dos Regimes das Relações Internacionais, a harmonização do Regime de Propriedade Intelectual no panorama internacional moderno – Pós-TRIPS – e sua influência no desenvolvimento tecnológico e econômico dos países submetidos a este regime específico, observando as perspectivas dos países desenvolvidos e em desenvolvimento. O tema da Propriedade Intelectual tomou proporções de maior escala por meio dos debates que deram origem à Organização Mundial do Comércio (OMC) e da criação da organização internacional específica a respeito do tema, qual seja, a Organização Mundial de Propriedade Intelectual (OMPI), sendo um tópico de alto valor político presente nas agendas internacionais dos blocos econômicos e dos Estados individuais; razão pela qual se verifica a necessidade de ampliar a discussão da Propriedade Intelectual, além de verificar o impacto deste regime específico sobre os resultados e comportamentos dos países membros do regime em sua seara econômica. Há de se verificar se realmente existe harmonização entre os princípios, normas, regras e procedimentos sobre as decisões políticas dos Estados, além de se observar a eficácia do regime no que tange ao desenvolvimento nacional. Ao final, nota-se que a relação entre as normas de Propriedade Intelectual e o desenvolvimento econômico e tecnológico dos estados podem não estar diretamente relacionados, ou seja, não há um liame necessário entre ambos. No entanto, políticas internacionais e domésticas que se apoiem em fundamentos do regime de propriedade intelectual auxiliam, de fato, a construção de um sistema nacional capaz de auxiliar o processo de desenvolvimento nacional.

AN ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION OF WEI GAO, for the Doctor of Philosophy degree in ECONOMICS, presented on JUNE 28th, 2011, at Southern Illinois University Carbondale. TITLE: ASSASSINATION AND ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE MAJOR PROFESSORS: SCOTT GILBERT AND KEVIN SYLWESTER The goal of this dissertation is to investigate how assassination attempts affect economic performances. The challenge is that assassination attempts may not be exogeneous. Thus, I use the outcome of an assassination attempts, success or failure, which is plausibly exogeneous, as the key independent dummy variable to conduct the econometric analysis. This dissertation is composed of three chapters. The first chapter studies whether national leadership shocks affect a country's economic growth. Jones and Olken (2005) find that national leaders' accidental death has impacts on the country's economic growth. Jones and Olken (2009) also find that different outcomes of assassination attempts, success versus failure, matter for the institutions of the country. This chapter follows the methodology in Jones and Olken (2009) to study the impact of different assassination outcomes on economic growth. This chapter finds that basically assassination attempts have no impact on economic growth. But assassination attempts are statistically significant considering two year window. The second chapter studies whether national leadership shocks affect a country's investment. This chapter follows the same methodology in the first chapter to study the impact of different assassination outcomes on investment. The findings in this chapter show that plausibly exogeneous outcome of assassination attempts does not determine the growth of investment or investment level in the country. The result is robust to controlling for different political regimes. The result is also robust to use propensity score approach to separate the effects of successful assassination attempts and unsuccessful ones. The third chapter studies whether national leadership has influence on economic policies. Jones and Olken (2005) find that leaders affect monetary policy and find no persuasive evidence that leaders affect fiscal, trade or security policy. This chapter employs the same methodology in the first two chapters to reexamine the issue. The findings in this chapter find no persuasive evidence that leaders affect fiscal policy or monetary policy. However, there is some evidence that national leaders affect trade policy.

<p> During the spring and summer months of 1967, measurements of the temperature and moisture regimes under a control, and lamp black, white talc, and straw mulch surface treatments, on a fine sandy loam, and a sandy clay loam, were undertaken. The sites were the McMaster University campus, and the Arboretum of the Royal Botanical Gardens in Hamilton, Ontario.</p> <p> A description of the experimental procedures is presented in Chapter II. Chapter III discusses the regimes of soil temperature and moisture - content; and also the effects of clear and cloudy skies, and rain on soil temperatures.</p> / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Despite the low success rate indicated by scholarly assessments, economic sanctions remain a commonly used foreign policy tool. Why do policymakers often turn to economic sanctions with great hope and enterprise in spite of their unimpressive success record? What determines a sanction outcome? Does the internal political dynamic of target matter in this case? How does it relate to different regime type? Hence this thesis examines the conditional relationship between the presence of domestic political opposition in the target state and sanction success conditional on the regime type by using data covering 763 US-imposed sanctions from 1945 to 2006. The findings suggest authoritarian regimes are more vulnerable to sanctions than their democratic counterparts in the presence of internal dissent groups in most cases. General Strikes are the best strategy to aid sanctions and coerce policy changes in authoritarian regimes. The presence of Guerrilla Warfare has the greatest substantive and statistical impact on sanction success. Consistent and organized internal dissent groups pose treats to the authority by weakening domestic stability or partnering with sender countries to push for policy changes.

No description available.

Repression is a function of many types of states, employed from autocracies to democracies, and anything in between. However, transitional states, those between autocracy and democracy show significantly higher levels of repression than other states. In other studies, research has been done to understand what can be a limitation to repressive activity, and promote democratization. In the case of the post-Soviet state, there have been significant systemic issues that have stalled democratization and allowed it to avoid these limitations. Corruption, consolidation of power into one supermajority party, reliance on electoral manipulation, and passionate development of a national identity all contribute to this problem. As Russia pursues its goals of being a great power, it has exposed itself to globalization and moderating factors. In fact, Russia has accepted western principles on certain rights topics, and implemented positive policies domestically, and supported some human rights legislation at the UN. From this involvement in globalization, Russia may experience the transformative pressures it needs to overcome systemic and structural problems.

Coercion and repressive legislation are widely recognised measures employed by hybrid regimes as a way of stifling the media. This thesis illustrates the long shadow cast by these measures by examining the impact of transgressions on self-censorship among Ugandan journalists, and how these are weighed against their notion of professionalism. Self- censorship is experienced as an unwanted, but vital practice that moves in tandem with the level of political tension, being an extraordinary rather than general measure. The study was conducted in the summer of 2016, founded by a Minor Field Study scholarship from the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA).

Cultural heritage and human comfort: The issue of indoor climate in historic buildings in the twentieth centuryI