Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Comparative Religion, 2004. / Title from second page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 64-77).

Within recent political theory, political liberalism has answered the question of how to deal with pluralism in contemporary society largely in terms of tolerance. Prompted by the same question, agonistic political theory has been in search of a way to move beyond liberal invocations of tolerance to a deeper celebration of difference. This project tells the story of the move within political theory from tolerance to difference, and the concomitant move from epistemology to ontology, through an exposition of the work of liberal theorists John Rawls and Richard Rorty and of agonistic, or post-Nietzschean, political theorists Chantal Mouffe and William Connolly. From a theological perspective, the ontological turn within recent theory can be seen as a welcome development, as can the desire to expand our capacity to engage with difference and to augment our current political imagination given contemporary conditions of pluralism. Yet the sufficiency of the answers and ontology put forward by both political liberalism and post-Nietzschean political thought needs to be seriously questioned. Indeed, the ontological turn in political theory opens the way for a theological turn, for theology is equally concerned with questions of human being and 'what there is' more generally. To make this 'theological turn,' I look to Saint Augustine, and the ontology disclosed though his writings, to see what theological resources he offers for an engagement with difference. Through this discussion we re-discover Augustine's Heavenly City as the place in which unity and diversity, harmony and plurality can come together in ways that are not possible outside of participation in the Triune God. Yet this does not mean that the Heavenly City is to take over the earthly city. By putting Augustine into conversation with more recent theologians such as John Milbank, Karl Barth, and William Cavanaugh, we consider the relationship between the Heavenly City and the earthly city and we offer a picture in which renewed and expanded conceptions of 'public' and 'conversation' open the way for rich engagement between the many different particularities that constitute a pluralist society.

In the contemporary United States, power is exerted at both the center of society and its margins. Americans seeking political and cultural capital can cast themselves as insiders, claiming the authority of tradition, or as outsiders, claiming the prophetic voice of the oppressed. Previous scholarship has tended to portray white American evangelicals either as insiders, a theocracy-in-waiting, or as outsiders, a marginalized subculture. In practice, however, white evangelicals claim both positions and move strategically between them. Under certain circumstances, they appeal to the Christian Right’s revisionist history to claim a position at the center of the nation. Under other circumstances, they invoke threats to “Christian America” to claim a position on the margins. This ethnographic study of Christian heritage tourism in Washington, D.C., examines how white evangelical tourists use American history to construct four identities vis-à-vis the nation. Like white American evangelicals more broadly, they see themselves as founders, exiles, victims, and saviors. In addition to ethnography, I draw on intellectual history and material culture studies to account for the dynamic, contradictory, and strategic ways my subjects understand who they are. Written, verbal, and material stories about the American past are key resources white evangelicals use in shaping their identities. On Christian heritage tours and beyond, white evangelicals do history as they plot themselves into narratives about their communities and their nation. This approach, which combines “lived religion” and “lived history,” shows that white evangelicals are political shapeshifters, playing whichever part gives them the most power in a given situation. Their ability to act as both insiders and outsiders is a source of power in a nation that reveres tradition yet cheers for underdogs. While they may talk about leaving behind their outsider roles of exiles and victims, in practice white American evangelicals embrace and defend those roles just as much as they do their insider roles as founders and saviors. Their creative and strategic movement between these roles is a potent political resource that we must understand if we are to make sense of white evangelicals’ political power today. / 2020-11-13T00:00:00Z

This thesis examines the development of the cult of the Dioscuri in Rome from the mid-Republic to the end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. This was a period of great political and social upheaval and of religious change. Through a detailed examination of the cult of the Dioscuri, I trace how the cult developed and adapted in conjunction with religious, political and cultural changes within Roman society. I furthermore examine how the cult changed and explore the reasons why those changes occurred at that time and in that place. Chapter One surveys the two temples of Castor and Pollux in Rome, focusing in particular on their temple in the Roman Forum. Using archaeological and literary evidence, I argue that this temple was a central stage for many of the pivotal events and speeches of the late Republic. Chapter Two examines the epiphanies of the Dioscuri, most commonly associated with battles and their aftermath, although later appearing to commemorate the deaths of prominent individuals such as Julius Caesar and Drusus the Elder. I examine how the epiphanic tradition of the Dioscuri changed over time and ask why it was these gods in particular who rode to aid Rome. Chapter Three turns to exploring the relationships Castor and Pollux were said to possess with groups in Roman society, in particular horsemen, boxers and sailors. I examine how these relationships were formed and publicised and how they benefitted both the mortals and the gods. Chapter Four explores how a different aspect of the Dioscuri became prominent in the imperial period: their fraternal harmony. Castor and Pollux were linked to and compared with pairs of potential imperial successors. I explore the purposes of this comparison and how apt it was for the different pairings. Throughout this thesis, I examine some of the most prominent aspects of the cult of the Dioscuri in Rome within the wider context of history, culture and politics, arguing that the cult was a fully integrated part of Roman society as a whole.

The study looked at the religious implications of declaring Zambia a Christian nation. The conclusion arrived at was that Zambia is not a Christian nation because of the following reasons: • A nation cannot be Christian by proclamation, but by the life styles of individuals who call themselves Christians. • Zambia's constitution guarantees freedom for all religions found in Zambia. Individuals have a freedom to have or adopt a religion or belief of their own choice without being coerced by any means. • The declaration had no theological backing. The scriptures used in the declaration were out of context. • The declaration was po1itical as opposed to being religious. The supporters ofthe declaration argued that President Chiluba was appointed by God and whoever disagreed with him, disagreed with God. • Zambian Christianity is diverse in the sense that there are different denominations with different doctrines and emphasis. / Religious Studies and Arabic / M.A. (Religious Studies)

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:26:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2012-08-16Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T19:34:10Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 paula_vas_me_assis.pdf: 1364836 bytes, checksum: c2282242909c737c98028d069214ccfa (MD5) / Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq) / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo compreender e analisar historicamente a inserção das igrejas pentecostais no campo político brasileiro tomando como eixo de análise a Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular, na cidade de Assis-SP, entre os anos de 1996 e 2008. No referido período, a Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular conseguiu, com a mobilização de seus fieis, eleger representantes à Câmara Vereadores de Assis em três legislaturas consecutivas. Em uma cidade marcada historicamente pela proximidade entre o catolicismo e o campo político a entrada de evangélicos na política acabou por deslocar para o campo político disputas próprias do campo religioso. Durante o trabalho procurou-se contextualizar, política e teologicamente, a inserção pentecostal no campo religioso brasileiro, bem como, atentar para as características administrativas e teológicas da Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular. Deu-se ênfase ao estudo do campo religioso assisense em sua relação com o campo político e ao estabelecimento da Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular na cidade de Assis. Por fim, procurou-se delimitar as ações desenvolvidas por esta igreja no sentido de obter sucesso junto ao campo político e os perfis de seus representantes eleitos à Câmara de Vereadores local / The present study aims to understand and analyze historically the insertion of Pentecostal churches in the Brazilian political field as an analysis taking the Church of the Foursquare Gospel in the city of Assis, São Paulo, between 1996 and 2008. In that period, the Foursquare Gospel Church has potten, with the mobilization of its faithful, to elect representatives to the Board of Aldermen Assis in three consecutive legislatures. In a city historically marked by the proximity between Catholicism and the political the entry of evangelicals into politics eventually move to the political disputes of their own religious field. During the study sought to contextualize politically and theologically, the insertion Pentecostal Brazilian religious field, as well as pay attention to administrative and theological characteristics of the Foursquare Gospel Church. Emphasis was placed on the study of the field religious assisense in its relation to the political field and on the establishment of the Church of the Foursquare Gospel in the city of Assis. Finally, it is sought to define the actions developed by this church in order to succeed with the political field and the profiles of their elected representatives to the City Council site

Orientador: Milton Carlos Costa / Banca: Ricardo Gião Bortolotti / Banca: Paulo Alves / Resumo: O presente trabalho tem como objetivo compreender e analisar historicamente a inserção das igrejas pentecostais no campo político brasileiro tomando como eixo de análise a Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular, na cidade de Assis-SP, entre os anos de 1996 e 2008. No referido período, a Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular conseguiu, com a mobilização de seus fieis, eleger representantes à Câmara Vereadores de Assis em três legislaturas consecutivas. Em uma cidade marcada historicamente pela proximidade entre o catolicismo e o campo político a entrada de evangélicos na política acabou por deslocar para o campo político disputas próprias do campo religioso. Durante o trabalho procurou-se contextualizar, política e teologicamente, a inserção pentecostal no campo religioso brasileiro, bem como, atentar para as características administrativas e teológicas da Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular. Deu-se ênfase ao estudo do campo religioso assisense em sua relação com o campo político e ao estabelecimento da Igreja do Evangelho Quadrangular na cidade de Assis. Por fim, procurou-se delimitar as ações desenvolvidas por esta igreja no sentido de obter sucesso junto ao campo político e os perfis de seus representantes eleitos à Câmara de Vereadores local / Abstract: The present study aims to understand and analyze historically the insertion of Pentecostal churches in the Brazilian political field as an analysis taking the Church of the Foursquare Gospel in the city of Assis, São Paulo, between 1996 and 2008. In that period, the Foursquare Gospel Church has potten, with the mobilization of its faithful, to elect representatives to the Board of Aldermen Assis in three consecutive legislatures. In a city historically marked by the proximity between Catholicism and the political the entry of evangelicals into politics eventually move to the political disputes of their own religious field. During the study sought to contextualize politically and theologically, the insertion Pentecostal Brazilian religious field, as well as pay attention to administrative and theological characteristics of the Foursquare Gospel Church. Emphasis was placed on the study of the field religious assisense in its relation to the political field and on the establishment of the Church of the Foursquare Gospel in the city of Assis. Finally, it is sought to define the actions developed by this church in order to succeed with the political field and the profiles of their elected representatives to the City Council site / Mestre

Orientador: Eliane Moura Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T20:59:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Miguel_SinueNeckel_M.pdf: 1732836 bytes, checksum: f293d42ee67ac8ef8062c3aad31ae0a8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: A dissertação tem como tema o Movimento Universitário Espírita (MUE) das décadas de 1960 e 1970 que atuou fundamentalmente no estado de São Paulo. Tratou-se de uma tendência dentro do Espiritismo que emergiu num momento de fortes tensões sociais propondo um conjunto de renovações teóricas e práticas ao movimento espírita brasileiro. Através do exame da atuação do MUE e do estudo do pensamento social espírita, empreendemos uma análise histórica acerca da especificidade deste movimento dentro da cultura espírita: um Espiritismo altamente crítico e politizado, voltado para questões sociais. Tal o caráter do MUE, marcado pela participação da juventude universitária espírita que se politizou e com isso iniciou um processo de construção de sínteses em torno de religião e política, propondo um socialismo cristão. Ao final, o MUE, revelando a existência potencial de um Espiritismo de esquerda, provocou uma forte reação de oposição por parte dos principais dirigentes do Espiritismo brasileiro, ensejando assim a sua própria extinção / Abstract: This essay has as its theme the Movimento Universitário Espírita (MUE) of the 1960s and 1970s which acted primarily in the state of São Paulo. It was a trend in the Spiritism that emerged in a time of severe social tensions, proposing a series of theoretical and practical renovations to the Brazilian spiritist movement. Through the examination of the actions of the MUE and the study of the social thinking spiritist, we undertook a historical analysis about the specificity of this movement into spiritist culture: a critical and highly politicized Spiritism, focused on social issues. Such is the character of the MUE, marked by the participation of spiritist college youth who has politicized and thus they began a construction process of synthesis about religion and politics, by proposing a Christian socialism. At the end the MUE, revealing the potential existence of a left wing Spiritism, provoked a backlash from the opposition by the main leaders of the Brazilian Spiritism, thus occasioning its own extinction / Mestrado / Historia Cultural / Mestre em História

Survenue entre 2012 et 2013, la « crise malienne » connut de multiples aspects. Cette thèse cherche à cerner la dimension religieuse durant cette période, notamment l’impact de ces événements sur la sphère religieuse de la capitale. A Bamako, les associations islamiques s’inscrivent dans un champ conflictuel longtemps polarisé entre « soufisme » et « wahhabisme ». Beaucoup s’accordent à dire que ces termes sont à déconstruire : c’est ici ce que je tenterai de faire en développant le concept de « régime d’orthodoxie ». Un « régime d’orthodoxie », c’est ce « bricolage » donnant lieu à un nouveau mouvement religieux qui finit par s’inscrire, nolens volens, dans le cas malien, au sein de cette polarité. Pour autant, cette dernière fait sens pour un grand nombre d’observateurs, pour qui la sphère « wahhabite » possède bien des affinités avec les idéologies djihadistes, et nécessite une certaine vigilance. La sphère « soufie », quant à elle, présente pour les institutions internationales de nombreux atouts qui leur vaut le label d’« islam modéré ». La « trace de Dieu », c’est la marque (corporelle, vestimentaire, discursive) qui permet à l’observateur d’identifier l’appartenance de tel acteur à telle tendance, et d’en mesurer la radicalité, ou plus généralement l’intention. C’est l’indicateur sur lequel se repose le diagnostic qui nourrit, à terme, ce qu’on pourra appeler une « raison sécuritaire ». / Between 2012 and 2013, the malian crisis had many dimensions. Beyond the immediacy of the event, this thesis seeks to identify the religious dimension of this crisis, including the impact of these events on the religious sphere in the capital. In Bamako, the Islamic associations are part of a relatively confrontational field polarized between "Sufism" and "Wahhabism". Many agree that these terms have to be deconstructed. This is what I try to do in developing the concept of "regime of orthodoxy". A “regime of orthodoxy”, it is this "tinkering" giving rise to a new religious movement, which eventually register, willy-nilly, in the case of Mali, in this polarity. However, this one is not less performative being renewed during this period. To many observers, the "Wahhabi" sphere has many affinities with jihadist ideologies and requires some vigilance. The "Sufi" sphere, meanwhile, has for international institutions many strengths that earned them the label of "moderate Islam." The "trace of God" is the brand (body, clothing, or discursive one) that allows the observer to identify the membership of such actor to such a trend, and to measure his radicality, or more generally his intention. This is the indicator on which rests the diagnosis that feeds ultimately what we can call a "security Reason".