Interaction between South Africa's government policy and the Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk's mission policy from 1948 tot 1954 were analysed. This interaction proved simbiotic. To meet black people's needs - seen as disrupted through straying from their ancestry - and to prove the credibility of apartheid, government appointed the Tomlinson Commission. They found christian mission to do wonders towards changing black people's so called attitude of obstinacy and therefore proposed a vital role to christian mission in realization of the Bantu Development Programme. Thus government and church became team members defining christian mission as answering to a Godly call to custodianship over black people seen as of a lesser race. Custodianship ends when black people reached a stage of self sufficiency. Meantime church members were challenged to bring offerings of missionary acts. This call resulted in missionary involvement of many church members and stirred a missiological revival in the N G Church. / Interaksie tussen Suid-A:frikaanse staatsbeleid en Nederduitse Gereformeerde Kerk-sendingbeleid tussen 1948 en 1954 is geanaliseer. Hierdie interaksie is simbioties bevind. Om swartmense - gesien as ontwrig weens vervreemding van hulle afstamming - se behoeftes aan te spreek asook die kredietwaardigheid van apartheid te bewys, benoem die owerheid die Tomlinsonkommissie. Hulle bevind christelike sending doen wonders om swartmense se sogenaamde onwil te verander en verleen daarom aan christelike sending 'n sleutelrol in die Bantoegebiede-ontwikkelingsgprogram. Sodoende word kerk en staat spanmaats en word sending gedefinieer as 'n Godgegewe roeping tot voogdyskap oor swartmense wat as 'n mindere ras gesien is. V oogdyskap eindig wanneer swartmense selfstandigheid bereik het. Tussentyd word lid.mate opgeroep tot sendingofferdade. Hierdie oproep het tot grootskaalse sendingbetrokkenheid en sendingherlewing in die N G Kerk gelei. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / Th. M. (Sendingwetenskap)

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Jürgen Habermas has argued that democracy depends on all citizens recognizing the legitimacy of the law. Therefore, political argument must appeal only to public reason which is secular. Religious citizens must translate their reasons into a secular language accessible to the public. This dissertation argues that religious arguments are justified in public discourse if they refrain from dogmatism. Moreover, there is nothing inherent in secular reasons that make them publicly accessible or likely to generate consensus among members of a pluralistic society. If we treat religious arguments as simply arguments with controversial premises, it becomes less clear why religious arguments are singled out as particularly problematic for liberal democracies, since many secular political arguments share this feature. Granted, religious reasons are unlikely to secure consensus, but this does not count against them if consensus is not the goal of democratic discourse. This dissertation makes the case that Habermas, and other liberal theorists such as Rawls, have placed too much emphasis on consensus as the goal of democracy. Moreover, what they refer to is not practical consensus achieved pragmatically through compromise, but an idealized consensus that is the achievement of secular reason. This is problematic for two main reasons: there is no normative reason to think we ought to attain such consensus and such consensus is unlikely to be achieved in practice. Thus, there seems to be no normative force to the claim that religious citizens out to translate their arguments in secular language.

Scholars have evaluated the causes of clergy political preferences and behavior for decades. As with party ID in the study of mass behavior, personal ideological preferences have been the relevant clergy literature's dominant behavioral predictor. Yet to the extent that clergy operate in bounded and specialized institutions, it is possible that much of the clergy political puzzle can be more effectively solved by recognizing these elites as institutionally-situated actors, with their preferences and behaviors influenced by the institutional groups with which they interact. I argue that institutional reference groups help to determine clergy political preferences and behavior. Drawing on three theories derived from neo-institutionalism, I assess reference group influence on clergy in two mainline Protestant denominations-the Presbyterian Church (USA) and the Episcopal Church, USA. In addition to their wider and more traditional socializing influence, reference groups in close proximity to clergy induce them to behave strategically-in ways that are contrary to their sincerely held political preferences. These proximate reference groups comprise mainly parishioners, suggesting that clergy political behavior, which is often believed to affect laity political engagement, may be predicated on clergy anticipation of potentially unfavorable reactions from their followers. The results show a set of political elites (the clergy) to be highly responsive to strategic pressure from below. This turns the traditional relationship between elites and masses on its head, and suggests that further examination of institutional reference group influence on clergy, and other political elites, is warranted.

Il s'agit ici d'analyser les relations entre l'Angleterre d' Henri VIII et l'Espagne de Charles Quint de 1526 à 1540. Cettepériode correspond aux dernières années du « valimiento » du cardinal Wolsey, et à la durée de celui de Thomas Cromwell. L'année 1526 constitue un réel tournant dans les relations des deux monarques. Cette époque est marquée par le divorce du souverain insulaire avec Catherine d'Aragon, la tante de l'empereur, par la ruine totale du royaume de Hongrie suite à la défaite du roi Louis II face aux Turcs, et à la menace que cela implique pour les territoires de Charles Quint. Au cours de cette période, nombreux sont les royaumes européens qui décident de briser leur allégeance au pape (Suède, Angleterre et Danemark). La situation des royaumes scandinaves intéresse Henri VIII qui cherche à s’en emparer au détriment des intérêts de l’empereur et de sa famille. Il semble intéressant d'étudier les influences et l'impact de la mise en place de l'Ecclesia anglicana, instaurée par le roi, Thomas Cromwell et par Thomas Cranmer sur les relations avec l'Espagne (diplomatie, religion et commerce). Cette étude donne lieu à une analyse approfondie des manoeuvres politiques de la part du roi d'Angleterre avec les royaumes de France, Suède, Danemark, Hongrie et Pologne pour contourner la domination de Charles Quint sur la scène européenne. L'Angleterre maintiendra certains contacts avec les réformateurs suisses et la Ligue de Smalkalde pour tenter de s'émanciper du pouvoir impérial et de l'influence du Saint-Siège. Dans un premier temps, Henri VIII cherchera à aligner ses intérêts sur ceux de la France, pour mieux contrer les manoeuvres de déstabilisation politique et d’intimidation de Charles Quint, un monarque très pragmatique. Cela impliquera une forte volonté d'ingérence politique de la part de l'Espagne et de l'empereur pour avoir une mainmise sur les affairesdu royaume. Marie, la fille du roi d'Angleterre et de sa première épouse Catherine d'Aragon incarnera cet espoir. C'est pourquoi,l’empereur soutient les mouvements rebelles d'Irlande et du nord de l'Angleterre lors du Pèlerinage de la Grâce, mais veille à ne pastrop s'impliquer afin de garantir de futures alliances avec Henri VIII. Enfin, nous étudierons la perception que les Anglais avaientdes Espagnols et vice versa / This is to analyze the relations between the England of Henry VIII and the Spain of Charles V from 1526 to 1540. Thisperiod corresponds to the last years of the "valimiento" of Cardinal Wolsey, and the duration of that from Thomas Cromwell. 1526 is a real turning point in the relations between the two monarchs. This era is marked by the divorce of the island ruler with Catherine of Aragon, the aunt of the emperor ; by the total ruin of the Kingdom of Hungary following the defeat of King Louis II against the Turks, and the threat that this implies for the territories of Charles V. During this period, many European kingdoms decided to break their allegiance to the pope (Sweden, England and Denmark). The situation of the Scandinavian kingdoms interested Henry VIII who sought to seize it at the expense of the interests of the emperor and his family. It seems interesting to study the influences and impact of the establishment of the Ecclesia Anglicana ; promoted by the King, Thomas Cromwell and Thomas Cranmer ; on relations with Spain (diplomacy, religion and trade). This study gives rise to a detailed analysis of the political maneuvers on the part of the King of England with the kingdoms of France, Sweden, Denmark, Hungary and Poland to circumvent the domination of Charles V on the European scene. England will maintain certain contacts with the Swiss reformers and the Smalkalde League in an attempt to emancipate itself from the imperial power and influence of the Holy See. At first, Henry VIII will seek to align his interests with those of France, to better counter the maneuvers of political destabilization and intimidation of Charles V, a very pragmatic monarch. This will imply a strong will of political interference on the part of Spain and the emperor to have a stranglehold on the affairs of the kingdom. Mary, the daughter of the King of England and his first wife Catherine of Aragon will embody this hope. Therefore, the emperor supports the rebel movements of Ireland and northern England during the Pilgrimage of Grace, but be careful not to get tooinvolved in order to guarantee future alliances with Henry VIII. Finally, we will study the perception that the English had ofSpaniards and vice versa.

Este trabalho se volta para as formas de problematização contemporâneas da prática sacrificial a partir de um lugar de observação específico, orientado pelo objetivo de compreender como esta prática se torna um mediador de produção de alteridades. Apresento, assim, um caso de dissenso envolvendo a prática sacrificial por grupos religiosos que se apresentam no espaço público enquanto representantes da tradição de matriz africana, após uma interpelação começada por projetos de lei de âmbito local. Como fica claro durante os acontecimentos públicos que envolvem a proposta de legislação, o fulcro da questão é a promoção de uma sensibilização para com o que os produtores deste projeto identificam como afetados e ‘‘violados em seus direitos’’ pelos sacrificantes: os animais não-humanos envolvidos nestas práticas. Especialmente preocupado com grafar a forma como a ‘‘diferença’’ é razoada em distintos momentos da controvérsia, entendo a esta enquanto uma categoria analítica. Assim, a dissertação também recorta o âmbito das moralidades em conflito pelos dois grupos salientando os irredutíveis contornos ontológicos rastreáveis pelas formas de enquadramento da disputa pelo encaminho público do PL 21/2015, o propulsor da controvérsia aqui em análise. / This work emphasizes the contemporary forms of the problematization of the sacrificial practice from a very specific place of observation which is guided by the aim to understand how this practice becomes a mediator at the production of otherness. Thus, I present a case of disagreement involving the sacrificial practice, made by religious groups that appear in the public space as representantives of African matrix tradition, after an interpellation which has begun by local law projects. As it is gets clear during the public events surrounding the proposed legislation, the fulcrum/core is to promote awareness to whom the producers of this project identify as being affected and "violated in their rights" by the sacrificers: -non non-human animals involved in these practices. Particularly concerned with drawing the "difference" at different points in the controversy, I understand it as an analytical category. The dissertation also focus on the scope of the conflicting morals in the two groups here, highlighting the irreducible ontological contours traceable in the forms of framing of the dispute, in the public's law PL 21/2015, the propellant of the controversy under analysis here.

Esta tese tem como objetivo analisar os (des)caminhos do debate sobre a relação igreja/política na revista A Seara, impresso editado pela Casa Publicadora das Assembleias de Deus (CPAD), entre os anos de 1956 e 1980. Parte-se de uma proposta analítica na qual a imprensa periódica, longe de ser um mero repositório de informações que podem ser isoladas de todos os elementos que lhes dão suporte, apresenta-se como um corpus documental cuja complexidade exige um olhar multidirecional capaz de entender que cada texto presente nas páginas de uma publicação seriada resulta de um intrincado jogo de interesses que perpassa o corpo de redatores e/ou grupos de influência. Assim, neste trabalho, com o propósito de ir além da imagem de A Seara como uma revista portadora de mensagens que expressavam o posicionamento oficial da igreja Assembleia de Deus sobre a política, optou-se por um modelo de análise que busca compreender como a dinâmica interna da redação dessa revista influenciava na abordagem desse polêmico tema que, em alguns casos, recebeu interpretações que se distanciavam das convicções firmadas por alas majoritárias do alto pastorado assembleiano. Para demonstrar essa dinâmica, todos os textos selecionados que trataram do tema política em A Seara foram analisados à luz dos projetos editoriais dos diferentes grupos que se alternaram na redação desse periódico em mais de duas décadas de circulação. Evidencia-se, a partir dessa perspectiva, que os distintos posicionamentos de A Seara sobre a relação igreja/política estavam diretamente ligados a demandas específicas de seus editores e não a uma visão institucional da igreja Assembleia de Deus acerca de um assunto tão complexo e sobre o qual era difícil estabelecer consensos. / This thesis analyses the ways of the debate about the relationship involving church/politic on the A Seara magazine, pressed by Casa Publicadora das Assembleias de Deus (CPAD), between the years of 1956 and 1980. It starts with an analytical proposal in which the periodic press, far from being a mere repository of information that can be isolated from all the elements that support them, presents itself as a documental corpus whose complexity requires a multidirectional view capable of understanding that each text present in the pages of a serial publication results from an intricate set of interests that permeates the writers and/or influence groups. So, in this work, with the purpose of going beyond the image of A Seara as a message carrier that expressed the official position of the Assembly of God church on politics, we opted for a model of analysis that seeks to understand how the internal dynamics of the editorial staff of this magazine influenced the approach of this controversial subject that, in some cases, received interpretations that distanced themselves from the convictions signed by the majority wing of the high pastorate. In order to demonstrate this dynamic, all the selected texts that dealt with the theme \"politics\" in A Seara were analyzed considering the editorial projects of the different groups that alternated in the writing of this periodical in more than two decades of circulation. It is evident from this perspective that A Seara\'s distinct positions on the church/political relationship were directly linked to the specific demands of its editors and not to an \"institutional\" view of the Assembly of God about a complex subject and on which it was difficult to reach consensus.

謝曉輝. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2007. / 參考文獻(p. 242-252). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2007. / Can kao wen xian (p. 242-252). / Xie Xiaohui.