MOROCCO'S RELIGIOUS POLICY SINCE 2003 The year 2003 marks a beginning of a new era in moroccan religious policy, which aims at an unification of religious field in the kingdom and a fight against islamic radicalism. Moroccan king Mohammed VI. succeeded in management of both internal and external threats to his kingdom's stability in past twelve years and in a comparison with his counterparts he managed to emerge strengthened out of crisis of the first decade of a new millennium. Main topic of this essay is to map an effort to control moroccan religious scene by state and its achievements and failures.

The topic of this work is water deities under the Nguyễn dynasty (1802-1945) in the context of state's relationship with local deities. Vietnamese rulers were striving to integrate locally worshipped deities into the state cultic system throughout Vietnamese history, and these efforts climaxed under the Nguyễn, the last Vietnamese dynasty, whose state cult stemmed from older Vietnamese tradition of the Confucian repertoire. Based on study of primary sources this work addresses the relationship of state power and local deities in 19th century. This relationship was differentiated, dynamic and full of compromises, despite the proclaimed state's power over local deities. Focusing on water deities and trying to classify them the state power's tendency to penetrate remote parts of the realm as well as its lowest administrative levels through official recognition of local deities is apparent. Within this process local water deities were transformed from ambivalent nature deities into quasihistorical heroes embodying state promoted Confucian values. These tendencies are apparent in the case of specific water deities, brothers Trương Hống and Trương Hát, worshipped in Bắc Ninh province in the north Vietnam. Key words water deities, religion, Vietnam, religious policy, Confucianism, Nguyễn dynasty

Attachée au Saint-Empire romain germanique au cours du dixième siècle, l’Alsace en demeura partie intégrante jusqu’en 1648, date à laquelle, au terme de la guerre de Trente Ans, elle fut cédée à la France par les traités de Westphalie. Mise en possession d’une province étrangère, cédée contre son gré, la monarchie française dut trouver les moyens d’intégrer l’Alsace au nouvel ensemble national. Après avoir, difficilement, réussi à affirmer sa souveraineté sur la province, la monarchie mit en place une politique d’intégration, progressive et respectueuse des privilèges régionaux. À partir de la Révolution française, l’assimilation de l’Alsace au reste de la France s’accéléra au point qu’à l’issue de la guerre 1870, c’est une province entièrement intégrée à la France qui revint à l’Allemagne. Dans le cadre de notre thèse, nous nous proposons donc d’étudier les politiques menées par la France en Alsace en vue de son intégration, en s’intéressant tout particulièrement aux institutions qui furent créées et à la façon dont les différentes législations, touchant notamment à l’administration, la justice, l’économie, la religion, la langue ou encore l’enseignement, furent imposées et appliquées à cet effet. / From the tenth century to the year 1648, Alsace remained a part of the Holy Roman Empire, until it cession to France according to the terms of the Peace of Westphalia, following the Thirty Years’ War. Having received a foreign and unwilling province, the Kingdom of France had to find ways to incorporate Alsace into its emerging national community. After having asserted with difficulty it sovereignty over the territory, the monarchy established a progressive integration policy, respectful of regional privileges. From the French Revolution onward, Alsace’s assimilation was greatly accelerated, to such an extent that it had become fully integrated to France until being conceded to the German Empire at the end of th Franco-Prussian War. This thesis reviews the various policies conducted by France toward Alsace’s integration during its rule. It examines particularly the role of specifically created public institutions, and the laws affecting administration, justice, economy, education, religion and language which were enacted and enforced to that end.

中共沿襲馬、列主義的宗教觀點，將宗教界定為替共產社會服務的工具，並認為宗教的本質是歷史過程的產物，其作用主要在於統戰或鬥爭的需要，最終將因社會主義的發展而消失，因此建政以來極力打壓、約制大陸境內的宗教及其團體。雖然中共的宗教政策隨著中國大陸社會的變化與全球化的影響，在胡錦濤時期有逐步開放的趨向，惟觀察中共建政以來的宗教政策脈絡，始終維持「開展統戰」和「防範滲透」基調，對臺灣宗教交流政策亦然。 2008年馬政府執政後，兩岸關係逐漸和緩，中共追求兩岸統一的意圖更為明顯，在胡錦濤「對內構建和諧社會、對外共建和諧世界」政策方針下，賦予宗教對臺統戰更大空間，兩岸宗教亦呈現交流活動趨增、境外教派參與增加、交流態樣多元且多為大陸發起等特點，另外中共以兩岸最普遍之媽祖文化做為對臺宗教統戰主軸，逐漸提升交流層級與規模，冀擴大對臺民間統戰成效。綜析胡錦濤近年兩岸宗教交流政策作為，預判中共未來對臺宗教工作，將朝全面爭取臺灣宗教界統一共識；透過宗教交流吸引臺商、信徒赴陸；加強基督教徒等外來宗教交流；以多元管道強化宗教工作成效；聯合抵制境外宗教勢力等面向發展。 綜合各方對兩岸宗教交流的影響評估，臺灣宗教團體能彰顯文化軟實力，在交流中對大陸社會擁有較強的影響力；大陸宗教自由度低度，惟管制宗教已有鬆動，後者跡象應與兩岸宗教交流具有關聯性；未來宗教慈善公益將為兩岸交流重點項目。據此，臺灣方面可在兼顧安全與發展的原則下，積極與大陸進行全面宗教交流，並以拓展宗教信徒、擴大宗教交流範圍，提高宗教自主運作能力，降低中共宗教統戰攻勢；此外，臺灣可以更主動出擊，以大甲鎮瀾宮、湄洲媽祖廟共同以媽祖繞境向聯合國申請非物質文化遺產為例，尋找與大陸更多的宗教合作機會，將兩岸儒、佛、道等傳統宗教，逐漸帶往國際社會，使兩岸共同擔起宗教全球化、中華文化全球化的角色，並藉以消彌兩岸政治、地域區隔的意識籓籬。 / Inheriting the Marxist-Leninist point of view on religion, the Chinese Communist authorities define religion as an instrument that serves the Socialist society. For them, religion is in essence a product of the historical process that serves the needs of the united front or struggles and is destined to fade out as Socialism marches on to the global stage. Therefore, since its establishment, the Chinese Communist regime has spared no effort in cracking down and suppressing religion and religious groups in mainland China. During Hu Jintao’s rule, the Chinese government has eased its stringent policy on religion in response to a changing Chinese society and international trends. But a closer look at the evolution of China’s religious policy reveals that its keynote has remained the same: conducting united front work on religious groups while preventing them from converging or colluding with dissident. This also goes for the Hu Jintao regime’s dealings with Taiwanese religious groups. Since President Ma Ying-jeou to power in 2008, ties between the two sides of Taiwan Straits have gradually thawed and Beijing is have increasing difficulty hiding its ambition for Taiwan’s reunification with the mainland. Moreover, Hu Jintao’s policy to build a harmonious society in China and jointly shape a harmonious world has given religion a renewed role in Beijing’s united front against Taiwan. Religious exchanges between the two sides of Taiwan Straits have been warming and increasingly involve overseas groups. The forms of these exchanges are diverse and many of them are launched by the Chinese side. For instance, Beijing’s religious united front campaign targets believers of Goddess Matsu, the worship of which being common on both sides of the Taiwan Straits. Beijing is pushing for upgrading the level and scale of such exchanges in hopes of producing more results of the united front against Taiwan . An overview of Hu Jintao’s policy on cross-Strait religious exchanges in recent years suggests that Beijing will seek to build consensus on reunification among Taiwan’s religious community, lure Taiwanese businessmen and believers to visit China, step up religious exchanges with Christians and believers of other religions, making progress on religious work through different means and keeping overseas religious forces at bay. Assessments of the implications of cross-Strait religious exchanges indicate that Taiwanese religious groups possess considerable cultural soft power and will be able to exert stronger influence on mainland Chinese society . China accords very limited freedom to local religious groups but is loosening its reins, which can possibly be connected to cross-Straits religious exchanges in recent years . In the future , religious charity events are expected to be the main theme of cross-Strait religious exchanges. Taiwan should actively engage in across-the-board religious exchanges with mainland China as long as it does not present problems for its security and development. Taiwan should focus on recruiting more believers, enlarging the scope of religious exchanges, increasing autonomy of religious groups and fending off mainland Chinese religious united front. In addition, Taiwan can also take the initiative to seek opportunities to cooperate with China to promote Confucianism, Taoism and Buddhism on the international stage, e.g. applying for UN recognition of the pilgrimage of China and Taiwan’s Matsu believers to Da-Jia Chen-Lan Temple(Taiwan)and Meizhou Matsu Temple(China) as world cultural heritage. This way, the two sides of the Taiwan Straits will jointly assume the responsibility of promoting Chinese culture and religions in the international community and narrow their political and geographical gaps.

"History of the Knights of the Cross with the Red Star between 1948-1958" The diploma thesis deals with the history of the order in the period of history from the rise of communism in Czechoslovakia for a long and experienced grandmaster and general of the order Josef Vlasák until his death in 1958, which was also the first decennium of totalitarianism with a strong anti-church policy. It is one of the key periods in the history of the Order, which was successful in changing social and political circumstances for two generations from the coup to World War II. After February 1948, there was a change that, in terms of both external and internal sense, significantly affected the life of the Order, which was forcibly liquidated by the state. On the other hand, the new regime tried to use appropriate personalities for its ecclesiastical politics, among them the Knights of the Cross. After Vlasákʾs death, thirty years passed without a proper leader. The diploma thesis is to show how the Grand Master and other members of the Order dealt with the newly established conditions of the folk-democratic system, what liquidation of the monastery of St. Francis at Charles Bridge was like, what happened with the members of the Order, how they protected their religious and order identity, based on archival sources...