Zugl.: Zürich, Universiẗat, Habil.-Schr., 2001.

<p>The problem of violent oppression is a persistent one. Every regime - autocratic or democratic - has an obligation to prevent the violent oppression of its citizens. My dissertation "Good Arms and Good Laws: Machiavelli, Regime-Type, and Violent Oppression" uses Machiavelli's understanding of different regime-types and their political dynamics to explore the means by which democracies and autocracies alike can prevent violent oppression within their borders. My exploration produces a standard for praiseworthy political regimes and action, based on what Machiavelli identifies as the people's desire "not to be oppressed."</p><p>Machiavelli's analysis of this problem of political violence leads to the conclusion that all types of regimes are united in needing an interdependent, yet competitive political relationship between their leading political figure(s) and the people at large. Different kinds of regimes vary, however, in the roles that their primary political classes must play in order to prevent oppression within their borders. After using the Florentine Histories to identify the lines of thinking central to Machiavelli's work, in chapter 1 I turn to Machiavelli's discussion of the citizen-militia in The Art of War. In chapters 2 and 3, I detail Machiavelli's recommendations for praiseworthy principalities in the Prince, where Machiavelli actually exhorts princes to arm their people (chapter 2) while simultaneously crafting for them the political ethics for which the text is notorious (chapter 3). In Chapters 4 and 5, I detail Machiavelli's recommendations for praiseworthy republics in the Discourses on Livy, where Machiavelli charges the people with policing the elites that would engage in projects of oppression if left to their own devices (chapter 4) while simultaneously praising elites who help to create and maintain mechanisms of violence (chapter 5). Machiavelli's analysis compels us to recognize that it is the particulars of these interdependent, yet competitive relationships between the people and their leading political figure(s) that define a regime and that our praise of that regime ought not depend categorically on whether the people rule, but rather whether the a regime's political classes effectively cooperate to prevent violent oppression.</p> / Dissertation

This dissertation develops a new theory of specific and overall socio-political freedom and discusses its role in normative political theory. The aim is to dissolve some of the conceptual confusions that have often beset previous discussions and to develop a theoretical framework with which to approach questions of public policy. This dissertation consists of three parts. In the first part, I develop a new account that specifies under which conditions a person is specifically free and when she is unfree to do something. It is shown that republican accounts of freedom are unsatisfactory and that a trivalent liberal account that equates freedom with ability is most plausible. A new analysis of unfreedom is defended according to which a person is made unfree (as opposed to merely unable) to do something only if she would have this freedom in a better and available distribution that another person could have foreseeably brought about. In the second part, I discuss how to move from an account of specific freedom and unfreedom to a measure of overall freedom. I develop a new and simple aggregation function and argue that the measurement of overall freedom requires both quantitative and evaluative factors. In the third part, I then discuss what role freedom should play in a theory of distributive justice. Instead of freedom deontologically constraining the reach of distributive justice, freedom should be one of its distribuenda. I will first discuss how best to distribute freedom across a person’s lifetime and how this impacts on discussions of paternalistic policies. It will then be shown that we ought not simply maximise freedom between persons, not aim to give everyone enough freedom nor aim at equal freedom. Instead, distributing freedom requires a principle that combines maximisation with a concern for fairness.

Master of Arts / Department of History / Derek S. Hoff / In the years immediately after World War II, Dwight D. Eisenhower insisted that he did not want to run for office. However, the general, persuaded by the efforts of Citizens for Eisenhower groups, reversed his decision before the 1952 election. The new politician did not take an easy path to the White House, however, as Senator Robert Taft of Ohio, the leading conservative Republican, fought to represent the GOP. Eisenhower aligned with the moderate faction, the party’s traditional source of power, and joined the Republicans during the early stages of a civil war in the party. From the time Eisenhower received the presidential nomination in 1952 until his death in 1969, he committed himself to leading the GOP and establishing moderate, not conservative, Republicanism as the party’s ideology. However, this aspect of Eisenhower’s political career has largely been ignored by historians. The analyses of Eisenhower that focus on his presidency, rather than his military career, concentrate on policy decisions, omitting the president’s role as party leader during a transformative era. This oversight not only skews Eisenhower’s legacy but also renders analyses of the conservative revolution in American politics incomplete. Before conservative Senator Barry Goldwater secured the Republican nomination in 1964, a very important moment that augured —but did not guarantee — the future triumph of the conservative wing, Eisenhower worked to stop his campaign. Had Eisenhower succeeded, the GOP and American politics could have followed a much different trajectory in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. Utilizing documents from throughout Eisenhower’s political career, this study argues that although Eisenhower failed to halt conservatism, he influenced the course of the GOP. During the 1950s and 1960s, Eisenhower helped revitalize the party, improved the party’s organization, and contributed to conservatism’s delayed ascendancy. Furthermore, Eisenhower merits recognition as a party leader who worked tirelessly on behalf of moderate Republicanism, not just as a man with impressive coattails for Republicans to cling to during elections.

Esta tese analisa a poesia de Joaquim de Sousa Andrade (1832-1902), ou Sousândrade, e tem por objetivo discutir o imaginário político republicano como elo de ligação entre os poemas O Guesa, especialmente o Canto Décimo (1877), Novo Éden: Poemeto da adolescência, 1888-1889 (1893), Harpa de Ouro (189?) e a continuação O Guesa, o Zac (1902). A cronologia dessas obras indica que é a partir dos anos vividos por Sousândrade nos Estados Unidos que as figurações da República passam a permear os seus escritos. No Canto Décimo, gestado em Nova York, Sousândrade traça um panorama da sociedade estadunidense na década de 1870 e, embora haja críticas à certas práticas econômicas nesse canto, conforme discutiremos com vagar, destaca-se a emulação do poeta em exaltar aquele modelo sociopolítico. Essa atitude do escritor maranhense afinava-se com a visão de brasileiros imigrados nos Estados Unidos naquele mesmo período, os quais formavam uma rede de pensadores liberais comprometidos com a modernização do Brasil. Esse diálogo transatlântico que começa a ser traçado entre Estados Unidos e Brasil caracteriza uma alternativa ao modelo de civilização europeu até então em voga, tema ainda pouco explorado pela historiografia literária. De volta a pátria, Sousândrade dá prosseguimento ao seu fazer poético e, além do seu engajamento na nova conjuntura política do país, dedica-se à construção do mito fundador da República brasileira nos poemas concebidos desde 1893. A trajetória do poeta republicano foi marcada pelo seu anseio de progresso e modernização do Brasil, tarefa na qual ele empenhou-se política e literariamente. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the images of the republican system of government in Sousândrades poetry, where Sousândrade is the pen name of the poet Joaquim de Sousa Andrade (1832-1902). Our discussion will focus on the poems The Guesa, specially the Canto Tenth (1877), New Eden (1893), Golden Harp (189?) and the continuation of the first, The Guesa, the Zac (1902). Considering the time frame these poems were published we can affirm that it was since the years Sousândrade has lived in the United States, that the ideas related to the Republic system started to permeate all his literary work. In the Canto Tenth, which was written in New York City, Sousândrade provides an overview of the American society of 1870s and, although the author criticizes certain economic practices in this poem, as it will be discussed in detail in this thesis, he praises its sociopolitical model to Brazil. Doing that the writer shares the same understanding on the American society that Brazilian immigrants in the United States had during the same time. These Brazilian immigrants used to form a network of liberal thinkers committed to the modernization of Brazil. The beginning of this transatlantic dialogue between the United States and Brazil expressed an alternative to the European model of civilization, which was until then the predominant model. This change of civilization models is still until now little explored by literary historiography. Back to his homeland, Sousândrade continued to write poetry and, in addition to his commitment to the new political situation of the country, he devoted himself to construct the founding myth of the Brazilian Republic in the poems conceived since 1893. The trajectory of the poet was marked by his desire for progress and modernization of Brazil and that he engaged himself both politically and literarily.

Thesis advisor: Cynthia L. Lyerly / This thesis analyzes the evolution of Abigail Adams's republican thought throughout the course of her life. The transition from a traditional wife of a local lawyer to an articulate and well-informed First Lady can be traced along with the increasing personal hardships she faced in light of the events of the American Revolution and the founding of the United States. Her unique relationship to men leading the Revolution and her own intellectual curiosity led her to a sophisticated understanding of republicanism and a unique interpretation of women's important contributions to the new nation. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2007. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Esta tese analisa a poesia de Joaquim de Sousa Andrade (1832-1902), ou Sousândrade, e tem por objetivo discutir o imaginário político republicano como elo de ligação entre os poemas O Guesa, especialmente o Canto Décimo (1877), Novo Éden: Poemeto da adolescência, 1888-1889 (1893), Harpa de Ouro (189?) e a continuação O Guesa, o Zac (1902). A cronologia dessas obras indica que é a partir dos anos vividos por Sousândrade nos Estados Unidos que as figurações da República passam a permear os seus escritos. No Canto Décimo, gestado em Nova York, Sousândrade traça um panorama da sociedade estadunidense na década de 1870 e, embora haja críticas à certas práticas econômicas nesse canto, conforme discutiremos com vagar, destaca-se a emulação do poeta em exaltar aquele modelo sociopolítico. Essa atitude do escritor maranhense afinava-se com a visão de brasileiros imigrados nos Estados Unidos naquele mesmo período, os quais formavam uma rede de pensadores liberais comprometidos com a modernização do Brasil. Esse diálogo transatlântico que começa a ser traçado entre Estados Unidos e Brasil caracteriza uma alternativa ao modelo de civilização europeu até então em voga, tema ainda pouco explorado pela historiografia literária. De volta a pátria, Sousândrade dá prosseguimento ao seu fazer poético e, além do seu engajamento na nova conjuntura política do país, dedica-se à construção do mito fundador da República brasileira nos poemas concebidos desde 1893. A trajetória do poeta republicano foi marcada pelo seu anseio de progresso e modernização do Brasil, tarefa na qual ele empenhou-se política e literariamente. / The aim of this thesis is to analyze the images of the republican system of government in Sousândrades poetry, where Sousândrade is the pen name of the poet Joaquim de Sousa Andrade (1832-1902). Our discussion will focus on the poems The Guesa, specially the Canto Tenth (1877), New Eden (1893), Golden Harp (189?) and the continuation of the first, The Guesa, the Zac (1902). Considering the time frame these poems were published we can affirm that it was since the years Sousândrade has lived in the United States, that the ideas related to the Republic system started to permeate all his literary work. In the Canto Tenth, which was written in New York City, Sousândrade provides an overview of the American society of 1870s and, although the author criticizes certain economic practices in this poem, as it will be discussed in detail in this thesis, he praises its sociopolitical model to Brazil. Doing that the writer shares the same understanding on the American society that Brazilian immigrants in the United States had during the same time. These Brazilian immigrants used to form a network of liberal thinkers committed to the modernization of Brazil. The beginning of this transatlantic dialogue between the United States and Brazil expressed an alternative to the European model of civilization, which was until then the predominant model. This change of civilization models is still until now little explored by literary historiography. Back to his homeland, Sousândrade continued to write poetry and, in addition to his commitment to the new political situation of the country, he devoted himself to construct the founding myth of the Brazilian Republic in the poems conceived since 1893. The trajectory of the poet was marked by his desire for progress and modernization of Brazil and that he engaged himself both politically and literarily.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-05-15T16:27:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo de Paola Marin.pdf: 1216206 bytes, checksum: c09bdf7ef73aa11569c4dc9a811136ea (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-15T16:27:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo de Paola Marin.pdf: 1216206 bytes, checksum: c09bdf7ef73aa11569c4dc9a811136ea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-05-05 / This thesis aims at presenting Francesco Guicciardini and the importance of his works to the Political Philosophy, starting from the thinker´s life, political path, influence and works. Throughout the thesis, we will analyze the political components of Guicciardini´s works, concepts and practice as well as their intersections with the works of other contemporary thinkers, who had the Florentine Policy as their object of study. Above all, the objective of this thesis is to learn about the Guicciardini’s analysis and its conceptual elements, which contributed to the understanding of the political fact and its social and institutional mechanisms. Based on the works of Francesco Guicciardini, the present thesis aims at revealing the way politics must be performed in the republican context, by recognizing, as role models, the political thinkers' reflections on the Florentine Republic in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, the citizenship exercise and the preservation of common good. We particularly focus on the thoughts of Francesco Guicciardini, an attentive reader of both the political works of his time and of the classical antiquity, who analyzes the time when he lived as an intellectual and a "man of political praxis". His works enable a better understanding of Machiavel´s political thought, as Guicciardini had the privilege to follow Machiavel and share ideas with him. In an original manner, the political work of Guicciardini becomes extremely relevant to the Contemporary Political Philosophy, once it talks about issues which are also found in the Florentine Secretary´s works. This enables a qualified study of the Republicanism within the Florentine Civic Humanism / Partindo da vida, trajetória política, influências e obra de Francesco Guicciardini, esta tese visa apresentar este pensador em seu tempo, bem como a importância de sua obra para a Filosofia Política. Ao longo da tese, serão analisados os componentes políticos da obra de Guicciardini, conceitos e práticas, assim como intersecções com as obras de pensadores de sua contemporaneidade que tinham como objeto de estudo a política florentina. Sobretudo, esta tese busca conhecer a análise guicciardiniana e seus elementos conceituais, que contribuíram para a compreensão do fato político e seus mecanismos sociais e institucionais. Com base na obra de Francesco Guicciardini, a presente tese pretende explicitar o modo como a política deve ser exercida no contexto republicano, tendo como modelo as reflexões que pensadores políticos escreveram sobre a república florentina nos séculos XV e XVI, o exercício da cidadania e a preservação do bem comum. Debruçando-se, em especial, no pensamento de Francesco Guicciardini, leitor atento das obras políticas de seu tempo e da antiguidade clássica, que produziu uma obra privilegiada, pois analisa o seu período como intelectual e “homem de práxis política”, portanto, sua a obra possibilita o aprofundamento do ideário político de Maquiavel, o qual recebe tratamento crítico de alguém que, de maneira privilegiada, acompanhou e discutiu essas ideias com o próprio Maquiavel. De maneira original, a obra política de Guicciardini passa a ter grande relevância para a Filosofia Política contemporânea, pois compartilha de temas comuns à obra do secretário florentino, propiciando um estudo qualificado sobretudo da temática republicana dentro do Humanismo Cívico florentino

La thèse examine certaines conceptions historiques, politiques et sociales d'un personnage-clé de la Révolution française, Maximilien Robespierre, par rapport à la tradition du républicanisme-classique. Elle identifie des traits caractéristiques de la culture politique tirée des républiques antiques : leur rhétorique et leurs stratégies de légitimation du pouvoir, appuyées sur des valeurs morales des aïeux, grands hommes et pères des républiques de l'Antiquité. Portant attention aux modèles de morale politique, par l'approche méthodologique de l'école de Cambridge qui exige l'interaction indissoluble entre la rhétorique collective et l'application individuelle par des acteurs politiques, il s'agit de suivre le "double rôle" de Robespierre, à la fois penseur et homme d'action, dont les conceptions correspondent à une nouvelle culture politique, partagée et contestée par les membres de l'élite intellectuelle française du XVIIIe siècle. Il s'agit ainsi d'interroger l'évolution des références à l'Antiquité républicaine comme moyen d'identification et d'interprétation, en un moyen d'action politique activement employé par les députés pour réclamer une sorte d'authenticité révolutionnaire, et la transformation de l'idéal républicain à l'ombre des événements révolutionnaires pour construire une première expérience républicaine en France. / The present PhD project examines certain concepts of historical, political and social nature, that are ascribed to a key figure of the French Revolution, Maximilien Robespierre, and correspond to the classical-republican tradition. Hereby are traits to be identified that are characteristic of the political culture of ancient republics, including rhetorical strategies of legitimating power which are referencing moral qualities of famous and illustrious ancestors, statesman and founding fathers of the republics of Classical Antiquity. The methodological approach of the socalled Cambridge School, that claims an indissoluble interaction between a collectively used rhetorical style and its application by individual political actors, is being employed in order to draw attention to models of political moral and to follow Robespierre's "double-role" as political thinker and actor, whose concepts are corresponding to a new political culture that was shared as well as contested by his contemporaries, belonging to the cultural elite of eighteenth-century France. It is therefore interrogated the issus of the evolution of references to the Republican Antiquity from an approved rhetorical and artistic device to an instrument of political action at the end of the eighteenth-century, that had been actively employed by the deputies of the French National Assemblies in order to claim revolutionary authenticity ; as well as the transformation of the Republican ideal during the revolutionary process that made possible the advancement of a first republican experience in France.

This thesis explores the relationship between the colour-blind public philosophy of republicanism and the French state's policies targeting the Roma. It addresses one core research question: how did political actors use neo-republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma? To do this, it examines the discourse of French and European Union (EU) actors involved in the formulation and implementation of polices targeting the Roma from 2010 to 2016. This discourse comprised political speeches, policy reports, memos, media clippings and 50 in-depth interviews with French and EU actors. Building on Christina Boswell and James Hampshire's theory of discursive strategies, this thesis focuses on the strategic deployment of republican ideas, notably the ways in which political actors were able to exploit their polyvalence. This thesis argues that political actors used four key republican ideas to communicate and justify policies targeting the Roma in France. First, a commitment to universalism allowed political actors to deny accusations of ethnic targeting while pursuing policies that disproportionally targeted Roma migrants. Second, political actors deployed the idea of a 'neutral' public sphere to justify the eviction and deportation of residents living in so-called Roma camps. Third, political actors used a logic of administrative selection to predetermine which evicted 'Roma' migrants were worthy of state support. Fourth, recipients of this support were subject to a state-led process of assimilation akin to a modern 'civilising mission', which political actors defended as a necessary step towards integration. This thesis concludes that it was precisely the polyvalence of republican ideas that allowed actors to deploy them to communicate and justify discriminatory policies. In doing so, it builds upon a growing literature on the role of republicanism in contemporary French politics and provides a rich empirical study that captures the influence of a general public philosophy on specific policy decisions. Additionally, it extends recent scholarship on the treatment of the Roma in Europe and contributes to debate about the challenges of free movement in an enlarged EU.