<p>The United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was passed by the Security Council in 2000. Its passing was made possible by the efforts of NGOs around the world and was seen as a huge step for women in conflict and post-conflict situations as women were not only seen as victims but as agents of peace. The resolution deals with the obligations of Member States as well as those of the Security Council within its peacekeeping missions.</p><p>Eight years have passed since the passing of the resolution and this thesis examines how the resolution is visible in a peacekeeping mission. In order to answer this question reports and resolutions by the Security Council and the Secretary- General have been examined as well as literature on gender and peacekeeping. Field research was conducted in the Sudan from April to June 2008 in Khartoum and Kadugli. Interviews were carried out with NGOs, UN staff and with personnel within the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan, UNMIS.</p><p>The UN reports and the field research both conclude that there are several obstacles preventing resolution 1325 from being implemented within the UN. One of the main obstacles is the lack of accountability within the UN system. Furthermore, it was found that personal interest played a major role in whether or not a gender perspective was being taken into account. Gender was also regarded by UN staff as ad hoc instead of an integral part of their work. The conclusion is that resolution 1325 is not yet fully visible in the peacekeeping mission observed, UNMIS.</p>

<p>Det har gått 10 år sedan resolution 1325 om kvinnor, fred och säkerhet antogs. Den följs av olika handlingsplaner för att implementera resolutionen. Dessutom finns studier om och erfarenheter i hur man skall lyckas med implementeringen av resolution 1325. Syftet med uppsatsen är att jämföra Regeringens handlingsplan för resolution 1325 och Försvarsmaktens arbete med resolution 1325, för att lyfta fram likheter och skillnader. Syftet är även att visa vilka erfarenheter som dragits av studier om implementering av resolution 1325 och hur Regeringens plan och Försvarsmaktens arbete stämmer överens med de dragna erfarenheterna. Uppsatsen presenterar resolution 1325 och de studier som finns om resolution 1325, samt Regeringens handlingsplan för att implementera resolution 1325 och en intervju med ansvarig förimplementering av resolutionen i Försvarsmakten. Resultatet av dokumentanalysen och intervjun visar att det finns likheterna mellan Regeringens och Försvarsmaktens planer samt de studier som finns om resolution 1325, men även att det finns skillnader. Resultatet visar även vart fokus ligger i implementeringen av resolution 1325 och på vilket sätt arbetet följs upp av Regeringen och Försvarsmakten. Slutsatsen är att det finns likheter men också skillnader mellan Regeringens plan och Försvarsmaktens arbete och att båda i många fall är kopplade till tidigare studier om resolution 1325.</p> / <p>It’s been 10 years since Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was adopted. It’s followed by various action plans to implement the Resolution. In addition, studies and experience in how to succeed with the implementation of Resolution 1325 have followed. The purpose of this paper is to compare the Government's Action Plan on Resolution 1325 and the Swedish Armed Forces work with Resolution 1325, to highlight similarities and differences. The aim is also to present experiences learned from studies on how to implement Resolution 1325 and how the Government's action plan and the Armed Forces work in line with those drawn experiences. This thesis presents the Resolution 1325 and different studies available on Resolution 1325. It presents The Government's action plan to implement Resolution 1325 and an interview with the person who is responsibility for implementation of the Resolution in the Armed Forces. The results of the document analysis and the interview show that there are some similarities between the Governments and the Armed Forces plans and the studies of Resolution 1325, but also that there are some differences. The result also proves where the focus lies in the implementation of Resolution1325 and how the work is monitored by the Government and the Armed Forces. The conclusion is that there are similarities but also differences between the Government's plan and the Armed Forces work and that both in many cases are linked to previous studies on Resolution 1325.</p>

Det har gått 10 år sedan resolution 1325 om kvinnor, fred och säkerhet antogs. Den följs av olika handlingsplaner för att implementera resolutionen. Dessutom finns studier om och erfarenheter i hur man skall lyckas med implementeringen av resolution 1325. Syftet med uppsatsen är att jämföra Regeringens handlingsplan för resolution 1325 och Försvarsmaktens arbete med resolution 1325, för att lyfta fram likheter och skillnader. Syftet är även att visa vilka erfarenheter som dragits av studier om implementering av resolution 1325 och hur Regeringens plan och Försvarsmaktens arbete stämmer överens med de dragna erfarenheterna. Uppsatsen presenterar resolution 1325 och de studier som finns om resolution 1325, samt Regeringens handlingsplan för att implementera resolution 1325 och en intervju med ansvarig förimplementering av resolutionen i Försvarsmakten. Resultatet av dokumentanalysen och intervjun visar att det finns likheterna mellan Regeringens och Försvarsmaktens planer samt de studier som finns om resolution 1325, men även att det finns skillnader. Resultatet visar även vart fokus ligger i implementeringen av resolution 1325 och på vilket sätt arbetet följs upp av Regeringen och Försvarsmakten. Slutsatsen är att det finns likheter men också skillnader mellan Regeringens plan och Försvarsmaktens arbete och att båda i många fall är kopplade till tidigare studier om resolution 1325. / It’s been 10 years since Resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was adopted. It’s followed by various action plans to implement the Resolution. In addition, studies and experience in how to succeed with the implementation of Resolution 1325 have followed. The purpose of this paper is to compare the Government's Action Plan on Resolution 1325 and the Swedish Armed Forces work with Resolution 1325, to highlight similarities and differences. The aim is also to present experiences learned from studies on how to implement Resolution 1325 and how the Government's action plan and the Armed Forces work in line with those drawn experiences. This thesis presents the Resolution 1325 and different studies available on Resolution 1325. It presents The Government's action plan to implement Resolution 1325 and an interview with the person who is responsibility for implementation of the Resolution in the Armed Forces. The results of the document analysis and the interview show that there are some similarities between the Governments and the Armed Forces plans and the studies of Resolution 1325, but also that there are some differences. The result also proves where the focus lies in the implementation of Resolution1325 and how the work is monitored by the Government and the Armed Forces. The conclusion is that there are similarities but also differences between the Government's plan and the Armed Forces work and that both in many cases are linked to previous studies on Resolution 1325.

The United Nations Security Council resolution 1325 on women, peace and security was passed by the Security Council in 2000. Its passing was made possible by the efforts of NGOs around the world and was seen as a huge step for women in conflict and post-conflict situations as women were not only seen as victims but as agents of peace. The resolution deals with the obligations of Member States as well as those of the Security Council within its peacekeeping missions. Eight years have passed since the passing of the resolution and this thesis examines how the resolution is visible in a peacekeeping mission. In order to answer this question reports and resolutions by the Security Council and the Secretary- General have been examined as well as literature on gender and peacekeeping. Field research was conducted in the Sudan from April to June 2008 in Khartoum and Kadugli. Interviews were carried out with NGOs, UN staff and with personnel within the UN peacekeeping mission in Sudan, UNMIS. The UN reports and the field research both conclude that there are several obstacles preventing resolution 1325 from being implemented within the UN. One of the main obstacles is the lack of accountability within the UN system. Furthermore, it was found that personal interest played a major role in whether or not a gender perspective was being taken into account. Gender was also regarded by UN staff as ad hoc instead of an integral part of their work. The conclusion is that resolution 1325 is not yet fully visible in the peacekeeping mission observed, UNMIS.

Peace agreements are important tools towards gender equality, and how they are written in terms of language is of particular importance. In October 2000 the United Nations Security Council acknowledged among other things the need for gender inclusive peace agreements with their Resolution 1325. This study is a qualitative textual analysis that with the use of a content analysis and a critical discourse analysis analyzes two peace agreements, one from before the implementation of Resolution 1325 and one from after. The findings of the study suggest that references towards women and gender have increased since the implementation of Resolution 1325, and that the way women are portrayed in terms of agency and stereotypes have changed for the better. However, the latter agreement was still missing gender provisions that sufficiently addressed issues that fundamentally structure gender relations.

Women’s roles in peacebuilding are often marginalized, necessitating a reevaluation of their contributions to peace initiatives. Research has shown that participation of women in peace processes and peacebuilding activities can increase the chances of democratization as they are less violent and more caring, i.e more suitable for these activities. To be able to analyze the long-term changes and consequences of female participation in peacebuilding this study focused  on the women's organization the Women in Peacebuilding Network (WIPNET). Through this organization, this research sought to understand if Resolution 1325 made any long-term differences for women in peacebuilding in Liberia from 2003 until 2023.   Scholars underscores Liberian women’s pivotal role in shaping peacebuilding strategies, advocating for gender-inclusive measures. While post-conflict countries have increased women’s participation in governance, Resolution 1325’s impact needs scrutiny. Despite progress, substantial investment is needed to achieve gender parity, especially in local governance and public service. This study employs a qualitative research approach, focusing on the analysis of existing data with a specific emphasis on women’s rights organization in Liberia. The goal is to enrich understanding of women’s peacebuilding roles and the lasting effects of international resolutions from their engagement.  It was the advocacy efforts of women that led to a recognition of the interrelation between gender equality and sustainable peace. Women were included in various post-conflict mechanisms and transition processes as a result of this recognition. It is evident that the journey toward gender equality is both complex and intertwined between international resolutions, local advocacy, and the subsequent inclusion of women in leadership roles.

This thesis explores how UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security and its ensuing National Action Plans for gender equality inform justifications of international intervention. I ask the following questions: how does Resolution 1325 and its ensuing National Action Plans for gender equality construct subjectivities of gender? How have states appropriated these gendered subjectivities in the legitimation of conflict? I review feminist, postcolonial, and poststructuralist literatures to argue that Resolution 1325 is aligned with broader United Nations governmental strategies for framing and justifying international intervention. Resolution 1325 produces dualistic subjectivities of gender, where women are constructed either as victims or as empowered, albeit within the limits deemed acceptable in masculinized contexts. I analyze the case of German National Action Plans for gender equality and the official policy texts related to its intervention in Afghanistan. I demonstrate that the foreign policy of a seemingly progressive state embraces Resolution 1325's dualistic subjectifications of women in conflict to construct logics that legitimize the Afghan intervention. My study findings show that Germany discursively constructs women and gender equality in accordance with the UN's guidelines and its good governance framework, which do not challenge existing structures of masculinity. In addition, they function as a means through which Germany legitimizes neoliberal and neocolonial policies as acceptable, ultimately failing to challenge the international war system. / Master of Arts / This thesis analyzes UN Security Council Resolution 1325's influence on the development of German gender equality policy and German foreign policy towards intervention in Afghanistan. I ask how the visions of gender produced in Resolution 1325, which primarily frame women as victims or only as empowered, inform the approach of Germany to Afghanistan. I find that German gender equality policy and policy towards Afghanistan are heavily influenced by the UN's framing of gender, as these ideas allow for Germany to justify its role in Afghanistan as a means to empower women further or save them from victimization. This allows Germany to maintain its role as a progressive humanitarian state by aligning its justification for the mission with the UN's broad objectives. However, doing so sets a dangerous precedent by legitimating intervention so long as it fits within the confines of the UN's notion of acceptability. Ultimately, my work shows that gender and attention to women functions to "clean" the German intervention in Afghanistan and portray it as progressive in accordance with the UN's values despite the inherent militarism of the intervention.

<p>Den här uppsatsens syfte var att, ur ett genusperspektiv, undersöka vilka möjligheter MOT i Afghanistan har för att arbeta mot målet i FN:s resolution 1325. Min fråga var hur arbetet påverkades om teamen bestod av endast män, endast kvinnor respektive både män och kvinnor.</p><p>Uppsatsen är indelad i tre delar. I den första delen förklaras centrala begrepp för att ge en förståelse för kommande text. I den andra delen diskuteras hur MOT under FS11 i Afghanistan arbetade med resolutionen och i den tredje delen ges förslag på hur kvinnliga och manliga soldater i ett MOT borde arbeta för att, på bästa sätt, uppnå målet i resolution 1325. Undersökningen är baserad på litteratur, rapporter och intervjuer.</p><p>Resultatet av undersökningen visar att både kvinnliga och manliga soldater kunde arbeta enligt resolutionen men med olika resultat. Det var enklare för kvinnliga soldater att nå ut till de lokala kvinnorna samtidigt som de enbart genom sin närvaro gav missionen en kvinnlig infallsvinkel. Manliga soldater hade svårare att skapa lika starka kontakter med de lokala kvinnorna och avsaknaden av kvinnor i teamet gav ett hårdare intryck.</p><p>Min slutsats är att MOT innehållande både manliga och kvinnliga soldater är de mest effektiva. Ett blandat team ökar möjligheterna att inhämta och sprida information, visar lokalbefolkningen att män och kvinnor kan arbeta tillsammans och ger chefen möjlighet att lösa uppgifter i ett bredare spektrum. MOT med endast män eller endast kvinnor kan också arbeta enligt resolutionen men uppnår ett sämre resultat.</p> / <p>The purpose of this essay was to examine what chances the MOTs´ in Afghanistan had in working towards the objective in the UN resolution 1325. My question was how the work was affected when the teams consisted of only men, only women and a mix of men and women.</p><p>The essay is divided in three parts. The first part explains and defines the concept of the UN resolution 1325. The second part examines the MOTs´ work according to the resolution and the third part suggests how male and female soldiers can work in order to achieve the objective stated in the resolution. The examination is based on literature, reports and interviews.</p><p>The result of the examination shows that both male and female soldiers were able to work according to the resolution but with different results. It was easier for female soldiers to reach the local women and the female soldiers´ presence gave the mission a female approach. For male soldiers it was more difficult to establish a contact with the local women and the lack of women in the team made the team seem harsher.</p><p>My conclusion is that MOTs´s with both male and female soldiers are the most efficient ones. A mixed team increases the opportunities to gather and spread information, shows the local population that men and women can work together and gives the commander an opportunity to perform his tasks in a wider spectrum.</p>

Den här uppsatsens syfte var att, ur ett genusperspektiv, undersöka vilka möjligheter MOT i Afghanistan har för att arbeta mot målet i FN:s resolution 1325. Min fråga var hur arbetet påverkades om teamen bestod av endast män, endast kvinnor respektive både män och kvinnor. Uppsatsen är indelad i tre delar. I den första delen förklaras centrala begrepp för att ge en förståelse för kommande text. I den andra delen diskuteras hur MOT under FS11 i Afghanistan arbetade med resolutionen och i den tredje delen ges förslag på hur kvinnliga och manliga soldater i ett MOT borde arbeta för att, på bästa sätt, uppnå målet i resolution 1325. Undersökningen är baserad på litteratur, rapporter och intervjuer. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att både kvinnliga och manliga soldater kunde arbeta enligt resolutionen men med olika resultat. Det var enklare för kvinnliga soldater att nå ut till de lokala kvinnorna samtidigt som de enbart genom sin närvaro gav missionen en kvinnlig infallsvinkel. Manliga soldater hade svårare att skapa lika starka kontakter med de lokala kvinnorna och avsaknaden av kvinnor i teamet gav ett hårdare intryck. Min slutsats är att MOT innehållande både manliga och kvinnliga soldater är de mest effektiva. Ett blandat team ökar möjligheterna att inhämta och sprida information, visar lokalbefolkningen att män och kvinnor kan arbeta tillsammans och ger chefen möjlighet att lösa uppgifter i ett bredare spektrum. MOT med endast män eller endast kvinnor kan också arbeta enligt resolutionen men uppnår ett sämre resultat. / The purpose of this essay was to examine what chances the MOTs´ in Afghanistan had in working towards the objective in the UN resolution 1325. My question was how the work was affected when the teams consisted of only men, only women and a mix of men and women. The essay is divided in three parts. The first part explains and defines the concept of the UN resolution 1325. The second part examines the MOTs´ work according to the resolution and the third part suggests how male and female soldiers can work in order to achieve the objective stated in the resolution. The examination is based on literature, reports and interviews. The result of the examination shows that both male and female soldiers were able to work according to the resolution but with different results. It was easier for female soldiers to reach the local women and the female soldiers´ presence gave the mission a female approach. For male soldiers it was more difficult to establish a contact with the local women and the lack of women in the team made the team seem harsher. My conclusion is that MOTs´s with both male and female soldiers are the most efficient ones. A mixed team increases the opportunities to gather and spread information, shows the local population that men and women can work together and gives the commander an opportunity to perform his tasks in a wider spectrum.

Security Council resolution 1325 (2000) is about women, peace and security. Since the resolution was adopted several countries has made their own National Action Plan for implementation of the resolution. Sweden and Denmark are two of these countries. Resolution 1325 is one of the documents that each countries armed force has to relate to in international work. These countries can get to work together in international operations within the framework of the Nordic Defense Cooperation, NORDEFCO. This study is done by looking at similarities and differences in the action plans and whether they can be an obstacle for the countries to cooperate in an international operation. In this paper a comparative analysis of Sweden and Denmark's plans for the Security Council resolution 1325 will be done. The comparison is made based on the clauses of the resolution relating to the member states actions. In this paper, a qualitative text analysis to be carried out with sections of Resolution 1325 as a model for the comparison. / Säkerhetsrådet resolution 1325 (2000) behandlar kvinnor, fred och säkerhet. Flertalet länder har efter att resolutionen antagits skrivit egna handlingsplaner för resolutionen. Två av dessa länder är Sverige och Danmark. Det är också ett av de dokument som den svenska och danska försvarsmakten har att förhålla sig till vid internationellt arbete som rör kvinnor, fred och säkerhet. Inom ramen för Nordiskt försvarssamarbete kan länderna komma att arbeta tillsammans i internationella insatser. I denna uppsats görs en komparativ analys av Sverige och Danmarks handlingsplaner för säkerhetsrådets resolution 1325. Jämförelsen görs utifrån de paragrafer i resolutionen som rör medlemsländernas handlande. Syftet med uppsatsen är att jämföra två av länderna som ingår i Nordiskt försvarssamarbetets handlingsplaner, med resolution 1325 som modell. Detta görs genom att titta på likheter och skillnader i handlingsplanerna och om dessa kan vara något hinder för länderna att samarbete kring resolutionen vid eventuella gemensamma insatser. I uppsatsen kommer en kvalitativ textanalys att genomföras med paragrafer från resolution 1325 som modell vid jämförelsen. Uppsatsen behandlar även hur handlingsplanerna blivit till och förklaras genom John W. Kingdons teori multiple streams model för att förstå hur en policy och i detta fall en handlingsplan blir till.