How is women positioned in conflict? A critical discourse analysis of UN resolution 1325 UN resolution 1325 was adopted in the year of 2000 with the purpose to raise awareness regarding the impact that armed conflict has on women and the importance of their participation in conflict resolution and peace-building operations. This thesis aims to analyze UN resolution 1325 and deconstruct the language in it in order to make visible how power structures affect women. Furthermore, with postcolonial feministic theory, this thesis examines the colonial power structures that are maintained within the resolution. Using a modified version of Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis (CDA), this study examines which subject positions are given to women within the realm of the resolution and furthermore how it affects their agency. This paper has framed three subject positions that make available; women as victims, women as or with children and women as a means for peace. The result show that these affect women's political agency as they are reduced to homogeneous oppressed, as peaceful by nature and as non-political beings, which partly upholds colonial power structures and partly consolidates female gender roles.

The purpose of this essay is to examine whether Sweden work according to the Swedish governments action plan on UNSCR1325 and whether Sweden implements this action plan according to an implementation theory. Initially you will find an explanation of the used method, definitions and the theory used for the study. The second part contains the research where the studied material is analyzed. The study itself is based on reports, literature and material from web pages. The result of the study shows thatSwedenworks according to the government’s action plan on UNSCR 1325.Swedendoes this trough good contact with women, multiple ways of interaction such as MOT, all female MOT: s and Gender Field Advisers who follows patrols. My conclusion shows that Sweden implements the Swedish action plan on UNSCR 1325 according to the implementation theory. / Syftet med den här uppsatsen är att undersöka huruvida Sverige implementerat regeringens handlingsplan för resolution 1325 från att vi tog över ansvaret i Mazar-e Sharif. Inledningsvis förklaras metod, centrala begrepp och teorin bakom studien. Därefter en empiridel där undersökningsmaterialet redovisas. Undersökningen baseras på rapporter, avhandlingar, litteratur och material från webbsidor som rör kvinnorna i Afghanistan. Resultatet av undersökningen visar att Sverige arbetar utefter regeringens fastslagna handlingsplan för resolution 1325. Sverige gör detta genom bra kontakter med kvinnor, flera olika tillvägagångssätt som MOT, helt kvinnliga MOT och medföljande Gender Field Adviser. Min slutsats är att Sverige implementerar handlingsplanen enligt identifierade faktorer ur implementeringsteorin.

The changing nature of today’s wars, shows that civilians have been involved in these wars as both victims and perpetrators. Since these are internal wars, many civilians are often displaced, and they end up becoming refugees. In the midst of all this, women and children suffer most in this transition, with women suffering from sexual violence. In this context of armed conflict, it is observed that women, men, girls and boys experience conflict differently and they also respond differently in times of peacekeeping, peacebuilding and also in post-conflict reconstruction. Women are not only the victims of war; they are also denied full participation in decision-making in areas of peace and security. Furthermore, their vital roles in conflict prevention, conflict resolution, peacekeeping and peacebuilding are rarely acknowledged. The United Nations Security Council adopted Resolution 1325 in October 2000, with the theme “Women, Peace and Security”. Although there are other forums that have addressed women in peace and security, there is none that has been more vocal, unanimous and holistic than Resolution 1325. The Resolution recognizes the need for women to be involved in conflict prevention, peacebuilding and post-conflict reconstruction. It also calls for the participation of women in decision making and peace processes. It further calls for the integration of gender perspectives in peacekeeping operations and the protection of women and girls from gender based violence in conflict zones. Resolution 1325 refers to other various previously adopted resolutions and other policies and gives mandates to the different role players like the United Nations, member countries and all parties involved in conflicts. In its efforts to implement the Resolution, the United Nations developed a System-Wide Action Plan for 2005- 2006 which was later reviewed and updated for 2008-2009 with performance indicators, monitoring and accountability procedures. The member states are under the obligation to ensure that the policy on peace and security is incorporated in their national policies. This study has cited Liberia being a country that has emerged from civil war and how the Resolution has been applicable in the reconstruction of that country. Though progress has been recorded in the implementation of the Resolution, there are still gaps and great challenges in the use of the action plans. However, the United Nations entities are working on the revised action plans and their report will only be given in 2010. This study has compared Resolution 1325 with the landmines campaign which has been referred to as the most successful humanitarian advocacy ever in history. There are various lessons learnt from the landmines campaign which could be used for the successful implementation of Resolution 1325. This study has assessed the impact of Resolution 1325 since its adoption to date and found out that there has been little progress. The gender perspective in preventing armed conflict has not made it any easier for women to participate in decision making and peace processes. / Thesis (M.Com.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Westville, 2010.

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I oktober år 2000 antog FNs säkerhetsråd den första resolutionen där kvinnor ses som aktörer för fred och inte bara som offer för konflikt. Eftersom 1325 är en resolution antagen i säkerhetsrådet, är den juridiskt bindande för alla FNs medlemsstater.Mitt övergripande syfte med denna uppsats är att belysa vikten av att samhällets olika nivåer, från absoluta toppnivå till gräsrotsnivå, samarbetar för att resolutioner från FNs säkerhetsråd, framförallt när det gäller så kallade mjuka frågor, skall uppmärksammas och bli framgångsrika.Mer specifikt är mitt syfte att studera effekterna av resolution 1325. För att göra detta har jag intervjuat åtta representanter för olika kvinnoorganisationer, som representerar gräsrotsnivån, sex i Stockholm och två i New York. Dessutom har jag hämtat information från dokument från FNs generalsekreterare, säkerhetsrådet och Sveriges regering, som representerar toppnivåer i samhället. För att belysa att avsaknaden av en ny resolution om kvinnor, fred och säkerhet beror på säkerhetsrådets genusblindhet, använder jag mig av ett feministiskt teoretiskt perspektiv. Dessutom relaterar jag avsaknaden av en ny resolution till begreppet legalstrategi. Resultatet av denna uppsats är, för det första, att man bara delvis kan skylla avsaknaden av en ny resolution på säkerhetsrådet. Det är också resultatet av en vald strategi från kvinnoorganisationernas sida. För det andra, är resultatet av min uppsats att de effekter man nu ser i samhället av resolution 1325 har uppnåtts tack vare det arbete som kvinnorganisationer har utfört sedan år 2000. Kvinnoorganisationerna har tagit resolution 1325, från toppnivåerna ner till gräsrotsnivåerna och spridit information och kunskap om den. Sedan har man tagit upp resolution 1325 till toppnivå igen genom att ställa krav om förändring hos de nationella makthavarna. / In October 2000, UN Security Council adopted a resolution on women, peace and security, in which women for the first time were seen as actors for peace and not just victims of war.Since it is a resolution of the Security Council, it is legally binding upon all UN Member States. My overall aim with this thesis is to illuminate the importance of close cooperation between macro and micro levels of society, in order to make UN Security Council resolutions, especially resolutions on “soft issues”, successful. Furthermore, the main purpose of this thesis is to study the effects of Security Council resolution 1325. In order to do this, I have interviewed representatives of eight women’s organizations, representing the micro level, on their opinion regarding 1325. In addition, I have concluded information from the UN Secretary-General, UN Security Council and the Swedish government, representing the macro levels of society. I am using a feminist theoretical perspective in order to illustrate that the lack of another resolution on women, peace and security is caused by gender blindness of the Security Council. Moreover, I am relating the lack of another resolution to the issue of legal strategy by women’s organizations. Thus, the results of this thesis are, firstly, that the Security Council only partly is to blame; it is also an outcome of strategy by women’s organizations. Secondly, the result is that the effects of 1325 now seen are achieved because of the work of women’s organizations; taking the resolution from the macro level down to the micro level of society, and then finally, up to the macro level again, demanding change from their national governments.

This thesis aims to show how gender is done in the Swedish Armed Forces, against the backdrop of its transition into an international defence organization and the international resolutions that call for gender mainstreaming in peacekeeping operations. In the so-called “New Armed Forces”, traditional demarcations that have separated civilian employees from members of the military officer profession are no longer self-evident. At the same time, what it means to be men and women in the military is changing. Three empirical studies form the basis of the thesis. The first consists of qualitative interviews with women pioneers in the military officer profession, and discusses how gender relations in the Swedish military have changed since the inclusion of women. The second addresses the intersecting relations of gender and occupation and is based on interviews with strategic and executive actors in the Armed Forces Headquarters. The third, ethnographic, study follows a military unit preparing for a peacekeeping mission. It focuses on gender relations in everyday work and shows how the ongoing transformation changes what it means to be military men and women. The thesis is informed by feminist studies of organization, critical studies of men and masculinities, research on professions and occupations, and military studies. A “doing gender” approach and a relational view of both gender and occupations guide the analysis. The analysis shows how established ways of doing gender are changed and reproduced in military practices, how the emphasis on peacekeeping reshapes gender relations in military work, and how organizational boundaries are maintained and deconstructed in organizational practices. Theoretically, the thesis contributes by developing tools for analysing the practising of gender in organizations. The concept of boundary work is elaborated into a tool for analysing how demarcations of gender and occupation are accomplished in work practices. The concept Repair work is employed to capture the complexities of doing masculinities in organizations, by looking closely at situations where the everyday practising of gender is disturbed. / Denna avhandling syftar till att visa hur genus görs i den svenska Försvarsmakten, mot bakgrund av organisationens förändring från invasionsförsvar till insatsförsvar. Denna process kopplas till kraven på jämställdhetsintegrering inom fredsbevarande arbete. I den så kallade ”nya Försvarsmakten” är de gränser som tidigare skilt civilanställda från yrkesofficerare inte längre självklara. Samtidigt förändras de innebörder som kön ges i organisationen. Avhandlingen bygger på tre empiriska studier. Den första består av kvalitativa intervjuer med några av de första kvinnliga yrkesofficerarna i Sverige och diskuterar hur genusrelationerna har förändras sedan kvinnor gavs tillträde till officersyrket. Den andra, som inriktar sig på hur genus- och yrkesrelationer samverkar, bygger på intervjuer med aktörer på ledande och strategiska positioner i Försvarsmaktens högkvarter. Den tredje studien är etnografisk och följer ett internationellt insatsförband under förberedelserna för en fredsbevarande insats. Den undersöker hur genusrelationer skapas i det dagliga arbetet och visar hur den pågående förändringen omformar de betydelser som kvinnor och män tillskrivs i militären. Den tidigare forskning som avhandlingen knyter an till är genus- och organisationsforskning, kritiska studier av män och maskulinitet, forskning om yrken och professioner samt samhällsvetenskapliga militärstudier. Genomgående används ett ”doing gender”-perspektiv samt ett relationellt förhållningsätt till genus såväl som yrke. Analysen visar hur etablerade sätt att göra kön förändras och reproduceras i militära praktiker, hur betoningen på fredsbevarande arbete omformar genusrelationer samt hur gränser upprätthålls och dekonstrueras i organisatoriska praktiker. Avhandlingen bidrar med nya teoretiska verktyg för att förstå genuspraktiker i organisationer. Begreppet gränsarbete vidareutvecklas till ett begrepp som visar hur genus- och yrkesgränser görs i det dagliga arbetet. Begreppet reparationsarbete tydliggör de komplexa praktiker genom vilka maskulinitet görs då det vardagliga genusskapandet sätts ur spel.

This dissertation is an interdisciplinary study on the external ‘Responsibility to Protect’ (R2P) and international law. It focuses on the legal customary process on jus ad bellum by which states try to address the gap between the legitimacy and legality of humanitarian intervention to protect human security within a state against genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity. The development of specific legal rights for the Security Council, regional organisations and ‘coalitions of the willing’ to protect by military means is examined through case studies of humanitarian interventions after the Cold War. Constructivist perspectives on security and norms are contrasted with legal positivist analyses of customary law, the applicable law on the use of force, and evolutionary interpretation and informal modification of treaties. Feminist theories and gender perspectives on human security, the R2P and humanitarian intervention are also integrated into the thesis. The decisions to authorise humanitarian interventions in Bosnia, Somalia, Rwanda, East Timor and Darfur confirm an external R2P for the Security Council in the form of a lex lata right to protect by military means where states have manifestly failed to do so and where peaceful means are considered inadequate. Furthermore, a similar customary right for regional organisations may also be emerging, when the state concerned manifestly fails to protect, the Security Council is unable or unwilling to act and peaceful means found inadequate. Finally, support is found for a lex ferenda right of regional organisations, coalitions of the willing and individual states to intervene by military means in ‘exceptional circumstances’ in accordance with the theories on ex post facto or implied authority, or the principle of necessity, to protect people in humanitarian crises where the criteria of the R2P doctrine are met.

This paper takes its point of departure in the skewed attention towards the ‘protection’ of women rather than the ‘participation’ of women when talking about ‘Women, Peace &Security’ (WPS) in the UN Security Council. Given the centrality of Sweden, as the first country in the world with a feminist foreign policy, this thesis fills a gap in the current research as it investigates whether this skewed attention was reflected during Sweden’s time as a non-permanent member in the UNSC 2017-2018 or not. A quantitative content analysis of 318 Swedish statements in the UNSC 2017-2018 conducted in this paper shows an overall result where Sweden mentions women in the context of participation more frequently than protection. This outcome is further explained by three Government Officials active during Sweden’s time in the UNSC, as resulting from the Swedish strategy and the feminist foreign policy. Furthermore, the results of this study indicate a change in how frequently Sweden refers to participation over protection between 2017 and 2018; the strategy of attaching larger focus to participation is significantly clearer the second year. The interviewees explain that this was due to the increased experience in the UNSC and increased credibility for Sweden among the other member states. The current stage of the conflict or peacekeeping operation in question, i.e. in the country of discussion in the UNSC, was also considered as a large part of the strategy, suggesting the nature of the conflict to be of importance for the results and hence relevant to analyze in future research on the attention payed to participation versus protection in the UNSC.

As a result of the proved correlation between gender inequality and armed conflict, the United Nations Security Council approved Resolution 1325 in the year 2000. In the implementation of resolution 1325 it is important to understand which levels and actors that can improve women’s role as decision makers in order to build sustainable peace. This thesis has analyzed the results that the YEPGSN between FENOCIN and SAL has had on the participants ability to improve women’s role as decision makers within FENOCIN and if the participants feels that FENOCIN empowered by the YEPGSN can be an important actor in the process to improve women’s roles in Ecuador from grass-root level. In order to understand the YEPGSN results, a field study was conducted in Ecuador and interviews were done with the participants in the YEPGSN. The empirical material was then tested against Lederachs theory on levels and actors in peace buildings processes in order to understand if the YEPGSN approach could be seen as an effective way to implement the resolution 1325 vision or not. The results showed that the view on women’s role as decision makers among the participants has changed from their experiences in Sweden and that they felt that the YEPGSN had empowered their role within FENOCIN. The participants also felt the they, through FENOCIN, can improve women’s role as decision makers in Ecuador from grass-root level. But that the results must be seen in a long term perspective and that more focus has to be put on implementation of the results. This result was closely linked with the theory on levels and actors in peace building processes. Therefore, the conclusion is that the model of YEPGSN can be seen as a approach to improve women’s role as decision makers on grass-root levels in line with Resolution 1325. / C-uppsats i Freds och Konfliktstudier