The purpose of this study is to investigate the determinants of interstate migration in the United States (US) from the perspective of institutions and agglomeration economies. Dependent variables used in this study relate to the net interstate migration of four distinct demographic groups; migrants as whole (MIGRATE), migrants aged between 22 and 39 years of age (MIGR2239), migrants aged between 22 and 39 years of age educated to the undergraduate level (BAMIGR), and migrants aged between 22 and 39 years of age educated to the postgraduate level (MAMIGR). Independent variables proxying for institutions are sourced from both the Mercatus Center and the Fraser Institute. The Mercatus Center¡¦s economic freedom index (the MEFI) and overall freedom index (MOFI) represent the relative economic and overall freedoms enjoyed by residents of the 50 states. The Fraser Institute¡¦s economic freedom index (FIEFI) also measures economic freedom. Agglomeration economy proxies relate to both creativity levels in state, measured by Richard Florida¡¦s creativity index (SCI06), and education levels, measured by the percentage of a state¡¦s population educated to the undergraduate level (EDUBPLUS). It is well established that crime and climate are factors that influence migration and these variables are controlled for in this study by using murder rates in the largest in-state city (MURDER) and the average annual number of heating degree days (HDD) in a state. This study uses multivariate linear regression to analyze the variables and the findings emphasize the importance of both institutions and agglomeration economies in explaining the migration decisions of US citizens. Institutions, proxied for by greater economic and overall freedoms, are shown to be more important than agglomeration economies for migrants across a broad range of demographic. Institutions are less important, however, for younger, better educated migrants who reveal preferences for good agglomeration economies and particularly creativity.

This thesis begins with Toronto’s Spadina Avenue. Admiration for its social and cultural past and present contrasts with its seemingly inevitable future; ethnically charged sections of the avenue will succumb to real estate pressures and be lost to new market-driven development. Focusing on the section of Spadina Avenue bound by College Street to the north and Queen Street West to the south, its central location and surrounding diversity; partially deteriorating urban fabric; history of immigrants and the working class; and demographic transitions are conditions that inform the framework for the generation of a “creative milieu” as means of perpetuating the inherent spirit of Spadina Avenue. Charles Landry defines the “creative milieu” as a place – either a cluster of buildings, a part of a city, a city as a whole or region – that contains the necessary preconditions in terms of “hard” and “soft” infrastructure to generate a flow of ideas and inventions. To understand its greater context, this thesis examines the merits of the original “creative city” concept developed by Landry along with the implications of globalization and gentrification which affirms the vital role of the working class and their communities in the city. The “creative milieu” can form the genesis for the “creative city”, acting as catalytic sites where creativity and culture can be expressed, explored and nurtured. This thesis presents a catalogue of proposed typologies for Spadina Avenue that consider four characteristics of a “creative milieu” – diversity, interactivity, locality, capacity – and range in scale from small to large interventions.

This thesis begins with Toronto’s Spadina Avenue. Admiration for its social and cultural past and present contrasts with its seemingly inevitable future; ethnically charged sections of the avenue will succumb to real estate pressures and be lost to new market-driven development. Focusing on the section of Spadina Avenue bound by College Street to the north and Queen Street West to the south, its central location and surrounding diversity; partially deteriorating urban fabric; history of immigrants and the working class; and demographic transitions are conditions that inform the framework for the generation of a “creative milieu” as means of perpetuating the inherent spirit of Spadina Avenue. Charles Landry defines the “creative milieu” as a place – either a cluster of buildings, a part of a city, a city as a whole or region – that contains the necessary preconditions in terms of “hard” and “soft” infrastructure to generate a flow of ideas and inventions. To understand its greater context, this thesis examines the merits of the original “creative city” concept developed by Landry along with the implications of globalization and gentrification which affirms the vital role of the working class and their communities in the city. The “creative milieu” can form the genesis for the “creative city”, acting as catalytic sites where creativity and culture can be expressed, explored and nurtured. This thesis presents a catalogue of proposed typologies for Spadina Avenue that consider four characteristics of a “creative milieu” – diversity, interactivity, locality, capacity – and range in scale from small to large interventions.

Karlstads kommun har en målsättning om att kommunen år 2020 skall vara 100 000 invånare till antalet. För att detta mål skall nås inom en rimlig tid så har kommunen tre hållbarhetsstrategier som skall ligga till grund för kommunens arbete de kommande åren. De tre hållbarhetsstrategierna är folkhälsostrategin, tillväxtstrategin och miljö- och klimatstrategin, som skall se till att kommunen skall kunna växa på ett socialt, ekonomiskt och miljömässigt hållbart sätt.    Den här uppsatsen undersöker Karlstads kommuns tillväxtstrategi och hur bra den och dess mål och delmål passar in på ekonomiprofessorn Richard Floridas teorier om den kreativa klassen och på ekonomiprofessorn Edward Glaesers teorier om humankapital och stadstillväxt. / Karlstad Municipality has a vision that the municipality shall have 100 000 inhabitants by the year 2020. For this goal to be reached within a reasonable time, the municipality has made three sustainability strategies that will be the basis for the municipality’s work for the coming years. The three sustainability strategies are: the public health strategy, the economic growth strategy and the environment and climate strategy. The idea behind these strategies is to ensure that the municipality will grow in a socially, economic and environmentally sustainable manner.    This thesis examines Karlstad Municipality’s economic growth strategy and how well it and its goals and objectives can be applied on the economics professor Richard Florida and his theories about the Creative Class and on the economics professor Edward Glaeser and his theories about human capital and urban economics.

Submitted by Israel Vieira Neto (israel.vieiraneto@ufpe.br) on 2015-03-06T14:14:22Z No. of bitstreams: 2 DISSERTAÇÃO Francisco de Lima Cavalcanti.pdf: 3061717 bytes, checksum: 8e9d69f54e4cf9d9f5b26bd5990cb3ea (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-06T14:14:22Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 DISSERTAÇÃO Francisco de Lima Cavalcanti.pdf: 3061717 bytes, checksum: 8e9d69f54e4cf9d9f5b26bd5990cb3ea (MD5) license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-05 / O presente trabalho caracteriza a distribuição espacial da classe criativa e do capital humano no Brasil, identificando clusters espaciais, e analisa a associação entre o dinamismo urbano entre e a presença da classe criativa e do capital humano entre os municípios brasileiros no período de 1991 e 2010. Faz-se também uma investigação comparativa entre medidas de mensuração de capital humano por níveis educacionais e composições ocupacionais. Como metodologia de análise de dependência espacial utilizou-se Índice de Moran e Índice Local de Autocorrelação Espacial – LISA, e para correlações entre dinamismo urbano, classe criativa e capital humano utilizou-se regressões com mínimos quadrados ordinários, regressões espaciais Durbin e dados em painel com efeitos fixos. Os resultados apontaram a discrepância espacial dos indicadores de capital humano e indicadores de classe criativa na composição ocupacional dos municípios brasileiros e evidência de associações positivas com dinamismo urbano.

Richard Florida's Creative Class Theory made a significant mark on economic geography. Upon initial publication in 2002, reviewers lacked sufficient data to test this theory in the contemporary economy. However, 20 years have elapsed. Statistical analysis of an operationalized creative class theory in relationship to growth in real per capita GDP does not show a statistically-significant, positive relationship. In fact, depending on the variable, most analysis shows either no statistically- significant relationship or a statistically-significant and negative correlation. Instead, in keeping with endogenous growth theory and the arguments of Glaeser, presence of non-manufacturing high-technology economic activity, overall levels of higher education, and immigration bear a substantial, positive, and statistically-significant relationship to growth in real per capita GDP. While Florida's theories consider these variables, Creative Class Theory depicts them as part of a broader construct with significant cultural components. The present analysis does not find evidence to support this theory in all of its details. However, the broader construct of "talent, technology, and tolerance" contributing to economic development remains valid. However, its components vary significantly from Florida's model. Findings suggest policy focus on generating creativity through culture may create less benefit than policies focused on increasing education supply, attracting and retaining educated workers, attracting and growing technology firms, and encouraging immigration. Additional research is needed to identify specific policies. / Master of Urban and Regional Planning / Why do some cities grow and others do not? Regional leaders have long sought to identify levers to help strengthen their economies. In the 21st century United States, most economies do not revolve around farming or manufacturing. Instead, technology and professional services represent some of the most significant sectors. A disagreement exists in the scholarly literature as to how to accelerate these industries development in different places. Scholars agree education, innovation, and diversity represent important drivers. Views differ as to how to define these ideas. In the early 2000s, an urbanist named Richard Florida advanced his "Three T's" model: talent, technology, and tolerance. He focused on a group called the "Creative Class". These creative thinkers were supposed to attract technology firms to a city. Those creative thinkers were thought to like places with specific cultural characteristics. This study examines 20-years of economic data to evaluate his theory. It confirmed talent, technology, and tolerance do matter for economic outcomes. However, it finds a different way to define these ideas. Rather than "creativity", education levels represent the most important talent factor. In terms of technology, it confirmed the importance of economic output in information, professional services, and scientific services. Regarding tolerance, the most important correlation to economic growth comes from immigration from outside the United States. It did not find support for focus on a bohemian cultural milieu (among other factors). Future research should focus on what factors (such as quality of life, infrastructure, access to capital, and federal regulation) can help enhance these effects.

NBC?s situation comedy The Office reflects on the nature of workplace management in the 21st century. The show critiques a corporation that values conformity over individuality, while implying that promoting ?creative? employees to upper management is not credible alternative. The Office does this by focusing on Michael Scott (played by Steve Carell), a character whose unique creative working style makes him a great salesman but a poor manager. Michael?s character stands in contrast to Ryan Howard (played by B.J. Novak), who differs from Michael both in his approach to business and his success at it. The Office implies that creativity is a valuable asset for non-managerial workers, but creative management can be problematic. As workplaces continue to evolve, it is imperative to explore how creativity and bureaucracy co-exist. It may be unrealistic to expect creativity to saturate all aspects of professional life, but striking a balance between creativity and organization might be paramount in assuring job satisfaction and productivity for future generations of employees.

Kreativitet är ett begrepp som används frekvent inom det svenska planeringsfältet, i en bredd av sammanhang. Anammandet av kreativitetsbegreppet eskalerade, inte minst i Sverige, i samband med den amerikanske professorn Richard Floridas genomslag med sin teori om den kreativa klassen, i början av 2000-talet. Efter ett antal år kom kritik mot Florida och tiden gick - kreativitet som begrepp fortsatte dock att nyttjas och gör så än idag. Innebörden av begreppet framställs, i olika planeringssammanhang, som något högst eftersträvansvärt och nästintill oumbärligt för en god planering, men begreppets innebörd kan både tolkas som diffus och mångfacetterad - något även tidigare forskning bekräftar. Trots det, är detsamma inte sällan ett ledord i exempelvis översiktsplaner. Men, vad innebär diskursen om begreppet egentligen i samtida planering? Utifrån ovan nämnda förhållanden är en språklig och vidare betydelsemässig dekonstruktion av begreppet intressant.  Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur begreppet kreativitet används inom svensk planering idag, med teorin om den kreativa klassen som jämförelse. Finns det nya sätt att se på kreativitet idag jämfört med teorin om den kreativa klassens ursprungliga idéer och i vilka sammanhang används begreppet kreativitet idag?  För att möjliggöra ovan nämnda problematik och syfte ämnar studien besvara aktuella problemformuleringar:  Vad innebär diskursen kring kreativitet inom samtida planering? Vad menar man i översiktsplanerna med uttrycket kreativitet? För att kunna besvara ovan nämnda problemformuleringar samt syfte är följande forskningsfråga formulerad: Hur definieras kreativitet i samtida planering i förhållande till teorin om den kreativa klassens definition? För att möjliggöra en dekonstruktion och analys av språk har en diskursanalys genomförts, med metoderna fall- respektive dokumentstudier som stöd. Diskursanalysen baseras på två kommunala och gällande översiktsplaner, båda antagna 2018. Översiktsplanerna har vidare analyserats, tack vare operationalisering, med de diskursiva begrepp som bygger upp kreativitet inom kreativa klassen i åtanke. På detta vis har även ytterligare sammanhang, vilka på olika sätt konstituerar dagens kreativitetsbegrepp, framkommit. Detta har möjliggjort för synliggörande av den samtida kreativitetsdiskursen.  Resultatet visar att den samtida kreativitetsdiskursen till övervägande del fortfarande utgår från kreativa klassens tolkning av densamma. De förändringar och den utveckling som kan ses av diskursen är sådana som rör samtida samhällsaktuella ämnen och trender, i synnerhet de som behandlar hållbarhet och jämlikhet. Genom detta visas också en annan ny, integrerad faktor - ett mer humant förhållningssätt. Studien visar även att samtida planering är i större behov av ett flexibelt förhållningssätt, vilket också kan ses prägla dagens diskurs om kreativitet och som till betydande del beror på en mer global och föränderlig värld. Vidare visar resultatet att diskurserna till stor del överlappar inom planeringen, vilket gör det svårt att kartlägga och renodla diskurserna fullständigt.

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