Thesis--Universität Hamburg. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-285).

Thesis (doctoral)--Université René Descartes-Paris V, Faculté des sciences humaines et sociales, Sorbonne, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, p. 652-675).

Thesis (M. S.)--History, Technology and Society, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2009. / Committee Chair: Jonathan Schneer; Committee Member: Dr. John Krige; Committee Member: Dr. John Tone; Committee Member: Dr. Gus Giebelhaus; Outside Reader: Dr. David Edgerton.

No description available.

The aim of the essay was to analyse the speeches of the party leader in Almedalen 2012 and 2016 to see how much right-wing populism that could be identified. The Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Christian Democrats were the parties which were investigated. The question of the essay was: Are there more or less tendencies of right-wing populism in the speeches of the Social Democratic Party, the Moderate Party, the Sweden Democrats and the Christian Democrats when the speech of 2012 are compared to the speech of 2016? The analysis was based on four different aspects which characterize right-wing populism. These were anti-establishment, people´s representative, threat & dissociation and nationalism. The Sweden Democrats had tendencies of all the aspects in both speeches, although the tendencies were stronger for the anti-establishment in the speech of 2016. The other parties generally lacked indications of right-wing populism regarding most of the aspects in the speeches of 2012. While it in the speeches of 2016 were more tendencies of right-wing populism, although many aspects still were absent in the speeches of 2016. However, there were more tendencies of nationalism 2016.

Right-wing radicalism has moved to the periphery of public and academic attention. This is despite the fact that hate crimes are increasing and right-wing populist parties win enough votes to be represented in parliament or even make up governments Europe-wide. In addition, the Internet has made it easy for the right-wing to network and transport their ideology to a large audience. The research, therefore, asks how the German right-wing as a contrast society is portrayed on Twitter networks. Because it is the goal of contrast societies to change the target society in its favor, the Internet offers a space where an ideal society can be created online. Right-wing networks on Twitter will be analyzed with a social media analysis using Twitter statistics, NodeXL Pro and Gephi. The analysis will be conducted by identifying online radicalization themes, like for example hate towards refugees, in the form of hashtags, that constitute the alternative reality created online. The results of the analysis will then be presented in the context of radical contrast society's efforts to change society. This way, it will be possible to come to a meaningful conclusion that includes wider societal implications of the right-wings' networking on Twitter.

Thesis (M. A.), Memorial University of Newfoundland, 1998. / Bibliography: leaves 99-106.

The purpose of this study is to examine right-wing alternative media's framing of politics. This is examined by applying a method based on the framing theory, called Issue, game and scandal. The material consists of political news articles from these media during the 2018 election campaign in Sweden (13 August to 9 September), which in turn are either classified as issue news, game news or scandal news. The study uses the following five sites: Samhällsnytt, Nya Tider, Samtiden, Nya Dagbladet and Nyhetsbyrån. The study shows that alternative right-wing media frame politics as a scandal most times, followed by game and then issue. The results from the study are then compared with traditional media's framing of politics during the same period of time, where it shows that alternative right-wing media frame politics as scandal to a much greater degree than traditional media do, and that issue and game framings occur significantly less often on alternative right-wing media. The study also tries to explain how the differences between alternative right-wing media and traditional media can be understood, where press ethics and populism seem to be the key attributes. / Syftet med denna uppsatsen är att undersöka alternativa högermediers gestaltning av politik. Detta undersöks genom att applicera en metod som baseras på gestaltningsteorin - Sak, spel och skandal. Materialet består av politiska nyhetsartiklar från dessa medier under den svenska valrörelsen 2018 (13 augusti till 9 september), som i sin tur antingen klassificeras som saknyhet, spelnyhet eller skandalnyhet. I undersökningen används följande fem sajter: Samhällsnytt, Nya Tider, Samtiden, Nya Dagbladet och Nyhetsbyrån. Undersökningen visar att alternativa högermedier gestaltar politik som skandal flest gånger, följt av spel och sen sak. Resultatet från undersökningen jämförs sedan med traditionella mediers gestaltning av politik under samma tidsperiod, där det framgår att alternativa högermedier gestaltar politik som skandal i betydligt högre grad än vad traditionella medier gör, samt att sak- och spelgestaltningar förekommer betydligt färre gånger på alternativa högermedier. Dessutom redogörs det för hur skillnaderna mellan alternativa högermedier och traditionella medier kan förstås, där pressetik och populism bidrar med förklaringen.

Is there support for voluntary sterilization incentives in the U.S.? Nine semi-structured interviews were conducted with a snowball sample of four families spanning three generations in Bucktown, a 95% white, middle-class neighborhood which sent David Duke, former Grand Wizard of the Ku Klux Klan, to the Louisiana House of Representatives in 1989. Interviews explain support and opposition to current Louisiana State Representative John LaBruzzo's policy suggestion to "end generational welfare" by offering citizens $1000 in exchange for having their fallopian tubes tied or receiving vasectomies. Most respondents expressed that the sterilization proposal was targeted at low-income blacks. Although work ethic deficiency was used to frame poverty and welfare-dependency, support and opposition for the proposal was ultimately divided along racial ideological lines. Although Bucktonians have disassociated themselves from Duke and are upwardly mobile socio-economically, right-wing populist ideology remains salient.

On the 22nd of July 2011, Norwegian lone actor Anders Behring Breivik decided tocarry out his life mission; a mission, which resulted in two separate terrorist attackskilling 77 individuals linked to the Norwegian Labour Party. The attacks directlycontributed to launch the second violence wave of the modern right-wing extremistmovement, turning it into the most violent movement of today in Western Europe. Theyalso contributed to establish Breivik as a template and a hero for many of theindividuals active in the right-wing extremist movement, making other right-wing loneactors follow Breivik's methods and committing crimes in the name of the sameideology as him. But which specific moral arguments did Breivik use in order to justifyand promote "his" ideology, and beyond that, his crime? In order to answer thatquestion, in this thesis, Breivik's manifesto was analysed using the situational actiontheory as a moral base. A simple discourse analysis framed by the intersectionalperspective was used as a method, and the analysis resulted in three main themes -Ethnicity, Religion, and Gender - as well as six sub-themes that highlighted the fight-forand the fight-against dimensions of each theme. In the discussion, the violent languageand the hierarchical order of the themes were examined, which demonstrated that acriminological perspective is needed when the connection between ideology and crimeis to be understood. The thesis was thereafter concluded with the notion that ideologyneeds to be seen as an independent risk factor in order for these types of crimes to beprevented. / <p>2016-06-01</p>