From every carving and dislodged mass, there is memory left in void. As refugees, the Rohingya resettling in the United States have been displaced out of time and place. This project proposal aims to reconnect persons to place and community. Surrounded on all sides by remnant chestnut oak forest, the "rock oak" of the Appalachian, this establishment of subsidized multi-family resettlement housing, a mosque, and a Rohingya cultural center serves as the rock foundation from which to stabilize the chaos of the unknown. While memory embraces cultural identity, growth embraces new connections - defining a platform of past and future. Roof farms and open circulation plans visualize the seasons. The cropped grass field opens between the three buildings on the complex. They face each other across a green field - conversing in rows of tall oaks and stone brick colonnades in a gradient of public to private space. Children race the setting sunlight down steps and a communal dinner is served. For these wanderers, this is the threshold of refuge. / Master of Architecture / Exported by violence, thousands of Rohingya refugees are adrift in temporality. In camps or on the run, there is detachment from place and corrosion of community and opportunity. Resettling in a new country, refugees face many challenges hand in hand with their new freedoms. In Alexandria, there is a site embedded into the slope of a remnant forest. It extends from the hill of the Northern Virginia Community College, a beacon of affordable education and equal opportunity. On this site, the newly resettled will find their footing and work towards new goals through rest in residence, spiritual healing in a prayer hall, and active learning in a Rohingyan cultural center. By carving a community, this designed establishment, a stronghold of Rohingya culture and identity can embed new stories and re-establish roots.

As news coverage regarding refugees have increased in the past decades, the media representation of refugees in the host countries tend to more or less portray them as national security risk. This study questions the differences between the news discourses in main recipient countries and the less recipient countries asking what factors determine the portrayal. This study seeks to fill the already existing field of research on media representation on Rohingya as available research is conducted on main recipient countries, Myanmar and Bangladesh. The countries chosen for this study are Malaysia and Thailand as they are considered third point of exit countries, they are in same region and as each country has same religious belief as either Myanmar or the Rohingya. Thus, the objective of the study is to understand how the news discourse in Malaysia and Thailand present their ideological perspectives on Rohingya in a subtle way to influence the opinion of the general public. Furthermore, it seeks to reveal how language is used in news reports to frame Rohingya and the underlying factors in which determines the approach of their news reporting. To answer the objective, this research analyses in total 40 news headlines by using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis. Moreover, the results indicate that the news discourse in Malaysia predominantly reports on the Rohingya emphatically and portrays them as active actors in the crisis doing anything to survive the Myanmar violence. The situation of Rohingya is also emphasized in the news discourse in Thailand, though not to same extent as in Malaysia. Thailand rather reports on the crisis itself and how the other actors involved urge and criticize one another. Furthermore, this study demonstrates that portrayal of Rohingya differs depending on who they are to the affected country as well as the international political relationship between the countries affected.

The Rohingya population of Myanmar have been called one of the most persecuted ethnic minorities on earth. Beyond the systemic discrimination and ongoing violations of basic human rights, Tatmadaw operations against Rohingya communities in Rakhine State in recent years have amounted to ethnic cleansing, if not genocide. Reports of widespread sexual violence by security forces have garnered significant international attention, increasing our collective awareness of how rape is used as a weapon of war. In light of Canada’s Special Envoy to Myanmar’s report recommending that investigation take place to establish an evidence base for future prosecutions, it is critical that sexual and gender-based violence crimes be adequately factored into documentation strategies. This strategy will send a message that abuses upon women’s bodies are no longer regarded as mere inevitable ‘spoils of war’, but instead belong among the gravest of crimes, worthy of international resources and expertise to address. In order to minimize further intrusion into the lives of Rohingya survivors, it is necessary to consider the various possible justice mechanisms that may be used, and the different methods and standards of documentation that may be required for each. While early documentation efforts are encouraged so that relevant evidence is not lost, these considerations call for careful research, planning and ethical reflection. In order to contribute to this process, this thesis explores how law may operate to bring about justice for sexual and gender-based violence, and provides guidance on how to document evidence to be used for this purpose. At the same time, it recognizes that the form of justice international criminal trials can offer is inherently limited in scope. It further explores how “justice”, a contested concept, is not always defined or achieved through the punishment of perpetrators alone. It therefore draws on critiques of international criminal justice to imagine other ways that justice might manifest, and then identifies the methods of documentation possible to facilitate these efforts. / Graduate / 2019-09-07

羅興亞穆斯林(Rohingya Muslim)或稱阿拉干穆斯林(Arakanese Muslim)，是居住在鄰近孟加拉的緬甸若開邦北部 (或稱阿拉干Arakan)穆斯林社群，大批印度穆斯林在二十世紀初殖民時期遷徙至阿拉干地區，形成新(印度)、舊(阿拉干)穆斯林混居，也導致羅興亞人之身分多有爭議。 因經濟資源壟斷、政治力量競爭及宗教文化衝突等原因，緬甸在1930年及1938年分別爆發反印度及反穆斯林暴動。而阿拉干穆斯林發起將阿拉干地區併入東巴基斯坦（即孟加拉）的政治行動未果後，除了以聖戰軍(Mujahideen)與緬甸政府對抗，並尋求設立自治區外，自1960年代發展以標榜阿拉干原住民的「羅興亞」認同，爭取內部凝聚及外部支持。 在宇努政府(U Nu)主政下，羅興亞人尚能以公民身份獲得參政權，而尼溫軍政府1978年發動清查非法入境者的龍王行動(Nagamin)及1982年實施新公民法後，羅興亞人公民權被徹底剝奪，並被迫在1978、1991-92、2012、2015及2016年間經歷數波難民離散，遷徙至孟加拉、馬來西亞及泰國等國。 「阿拉干羅興亞難民委員會」( RARC)是難民自身所建立的難民社群組織(RCOs)，不僅為羅興亞社群發聲，亦與聯合國難民署(UNHCR) 及非政府組織(NGOs)等單位合作，發展其社群力量。而在馬來西亞政府默許及容忍下，羅興亞難民獲得安全棲身之所，除可透過通婚取得永久居留外，在開放羅興亞難民工作許可等政策開放下，羅興亞難民在地融合及生活發展。 本文以滯留馬來西亞安邦的緬甸羅興亞難民社群為主研究對象，探討羅興亞溯源、緬甸佛教徒與穆斯林之宗教衝突、羅興亞離散、及難民社群組織發展。 / Rohingya Muslim (or Arakanese Muslim) have been residing in Northen Rakhine (or Arakan) in Burma/Myanmarfor centuries , with the mass inflow of Indians during British Colonial Period into Burma, Muslim population grew up and it resulted in competition,then ethnic tension simmered between Indians and Burmeses. The conflicts between Buddhist and Muslim bursted between 1930 and 1938 , and fail of integration of Arakan with East Pakistan (Bangladesh ) triggered Arakanese Muslim’s militant autonomy operation and the Arakanese Muslim created the “Rohingya” ethnic identity movement in the 1960s. The cleaning of illegal immigrant operation “ Nagamin ” in1978 , implementation of new Citizen Law in 1982, and religious and ecthnic conflict had resulted Rohingya in exile in 1978 ,1991-2, 2013, 2015 and 2016 , therefore Rohingya migrated to Bangladesh , Malaysia, Thailand and Indonesia. With the help of UNHCR and Non-governmental Organizations (NGOs) ,the Refugee Community Organizations(RCOs) such as Rohingya Arakanese Refugee Committee (RARC) not only play the role as intermediator between community and NGOs , but also lobbied the Malaysia government. This dissertation focuses on the Burmese Rohingya communities in Ampang Malaysia and the origin of Rohingya, the ethnic and religious conflicts between Buddhists and Muslims , the Rohingya Diaspora and development of RCOs.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to find out the European Union's position on the discrimination of Rohingya in Burma since 2011. Over the years the country has initiated a number of reforms, transformed its political system and held first democratic elections. Since Burma has undergone considerable changes, the European Union first eased and then lifted almost all sanctions in 2013. The most pressing issue still facing Burma is the violations of human rights, especially in the case of Rohingya minority. Methodologically, the study is anchored by content textual analysis which was applied to a wide range of documents from which data was obtained for the analytical part of the study. The theoretical basis of the thesis is agenda-setting and salience. These theories were used to identify two hypotheses that examine the EU's position on the Rohingya crisis on the Unions agenda and its salience. Research has shown that the Parliament and the EEAS are paying the greatest attention. On the contrary, the Council and DEVCO spend less time on the issue. Despite all of the Union's efforts and the financial, human and material assistance provided, the situation has not improved and the Rohingya still face human rights abuses and are not full citizens of Burma.

The Rohingya are considered one of the most oppressed ethnicities in the group, due to their losing their citizenship and being persecuted, and being victims of state-sponsored violence. This thesis aims to find the reasoning behind, why the Rohingya have been targeted and treated as a scapegoat within Myanmar. To do this, this research is conducting a historical analysis to find the historical reasons for the discourse the different Myanmar governments have used to discredit the Rohingya claims to their place in the Rakhine state. A comparative analysis with other historically oppressed ethnicities is also implemented to highlight the unique case of the Rohingya and to better understand the nature of how scapegoats form. In support of the academic material, the research is also utilizing a media analysis of state-sponsored newspapers to understand the discourse of the conflict. Finally, this variety of analytic methods is tied together with a theoretical framework consisting of the joint use of Post-colonialism, Social-Identity theory, and Scapegoat theory.