Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro Sócio-Econômico, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, Florianópolis, 2016. / Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-24T03:11:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 343642.pdf: 2513117 bytes, checksum: 30ab0a1dd1eb40d48e1936fec3dad69c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar e descrever o funcionamento da cooperação internacional descentralizada (CID) em Ruanda. Elementos como a abordagem teórica acerca da CID, o contexto histórico ruandês, as perspectivas ruandesas de cooperação descentralizada, como funciona esta prática, e a exemplificação das dinâmicas da CID e sua relação com o desenvolvimento local ruandês são trazidos para alcançar o objetivo do trabalho. O funcionamento da CID em Ruanda será descrito e analisado a paritr de dois grupos de atores domésticos: o primeiro grupo, composto pelo Ministério do Governo Local (MINALOC) e o Ministério das Relações Exteriores e Cooperação (MINAFFET), e o segundo grupo, composto pelos governos locais ruandeses e a Rwanda Association of Local Government Authorities (RALGA). Observou-se, durante a pesquisa, que o processo de CID em Ruanda tem a possibilidade de ocorrer por três vias, de acordo com a participação dos governos locais: 1) diretamente entre os governos locais ruandeses e estrangeiros; 2) indiretamente, com a participação do MINALOC como intermediador; 3) indiretamente, com a participação da RALGA como intermediadora. Além disso, projetos desenvolvidos nas áreas de educação, infraestrutura e saúde, contando com a participação de diversos atores internacionais, caracterizam as dinâmicas de CID ruandesa.<br> / Abstract : The present work aims to analyse and to describe the functioning of international decentralized cooperation in Rwanda (CID, in Portuguese). Elements brought to achieve the objective of this work include theoretical approaches about CID, the Rwandan historical context, Rwandan perspectives on CID, how its practice works, and some examples that reflect the dynamics of CID and its connection with Rwandan local development. The functioning of CID in Rwanda will be described and analyzed based on two groups of domestic actors: the first group, composed of the Ministry of Local Government (MINALOC) and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Cooperation (MINAFFET), and the second group, composed of the Rwandan local governments and the Rwanda Association of Local Government Authorities (RALGA). During the research, the process of CID in Rwanda was observed to occur in three ways, based on local governments participation: 1) directly between Rwandan local governments and foreign local governments; indirectly, with the participation of MINALOC as an intermediary; 3) indirectly, with the participation of RALGA as an intermediary. In addition, the projects developed in the areas of education, infrastructure and health, with the participation of several international actors, feature the dynamics of CID in Rwanda.

Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Relações Internacionais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Relações Internacionais, 2011. / Submitted by Jaqueline Ferreira de Souza (jaquefs.braz@gmail.com) on 2012-08-02T12:36:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Amanda Rezende.pdf: 1166654 bytes, checksum: 89c23009d2ceeecc3ea5c2d7abf07108 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Ferreira de Souza(jaquefs.braz@gmail.com) on 2012-08-02T12:36:42Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Amanda Rezende.pdf: 1166654 bytes, checksum: 89c23009d2ceeecc3ea5c2d7abf07108 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-02T12:36:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_Amanda Rezende.pdf: 1166654 bytes, checksum: 89c23009d2ceeecc3ea5c2d7abf07108 (MD5) / A presente dissertação tem como objetivos avaliar a história recente de Ruanda e analisar a atuação dos meios de comunicação de massa no genocídio ocorrido naquele país africano, entre abril e julho de 1994. Para tal, verificou-se a necessidade primária de estudar a formação do território ruandês, a fim de identificar o processo de desenvolvimento das identidades hutus e tutsis no escopo da consolidação do fenômeno estatal. Em seguida, foram abordados marcos conceituais da disciplina de Relações Internacionais relativos à experiência africana, bem como a conjunção de temas discutidos no campo da Comunicação Social, com vistas a atender o caráter interdisciplinar desta pesquisa. Por fim, foram analisados dados de jornais, revistas, transmissões de rádio e filmes relacionados ao genocídio de Ruanda do ano de 1994. O primeiro capítulo aborda a formação de Ruanda e a variação no tempo dos significados das identidades hutus e tutsis. O segundo capítulo trata de Ruanda como Estado independente e da virada de poder em benefício dos hutus após séculos de favorecimento tutsi. O terceiro capítulo observa as discussões no escopo da teoria das Relações Internacionais e na apresentação de conceitos vinculados à história de Ruanda, bem como à mídia. O quarto capítulo narra o desenvolvimento do genocídio e analisa os dados relativos à atuação dos meios de comunicação de massa no contexto genocida. ______________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / The present dissertation aims to evaluate the recent history of Rwanda and analyse the activity of mass media in the scope of the Rwandan genocide carried out between April and July, 1994. In this regard and primarily, it was identified the necessity of studying the formation of Rwanda in order to comprehend the development of hutu and tutsi identities along the consolidation of the State phenomenon. Concepts of the International Relations directly related to the African experience were taken into account, as well as themes discussed in the Social Communications academic field,intended to attending the interdisciplinary aspect of this dissertation. Data from newspapers, magazines, radio broadcasting and films concerning the Rwanda genocide of 1994 were also analysed. The first chapter studies the Rwanda formation and the changes occurred in the meaning of hutu and tutsi identities, considering the first occupations of that country territory. The second chapter presents Rwanda as an independent State and the turning point that gave power to hutus after a long period of benefits directed to tutsis. The third chapter observes the discussion in the scope of International Relations theory and concepts related to the history of Rwanda, as well as those regarding the media. The last chapter investigates the genocide development and analyses data from media in the genocide context.

Over the last two decades, following a long history of mass violence in Burundi and Rwanda, transitional justice (TJ) efforts were deployed in the two countries. Observing, particularly after the 1994 Rwandan genocide, that cycles of violence had devastated these two nations, a number of international organisations encouraged and financed socio-political and judicial responses with the aim of building sustainable peace in the region. The gacaca courts have been at the centre of the TJ process in Rwanda, and the negotiations over a Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) remain the key focus in the Burundian TJ process. The local contexts have not been the sole influence on the design and implementation of the initiatives: the consolidation of TJ as a field of practice on a global level has also been of paramount importance. Under scrutiny in this thesis is the ‘battlefield' in which TJ practitioners argue about the past, a battlefield created by the frictions between the universal TJ discourse, the resulting technocratic aid practices and the often silenced, but highly politicised negotiations and implementation on the ground. My research establishes that while TJ practitioners disseminate a positive discourse designed to help societies emerging from violence, their practices are actually embedded in trenchant hierarchical structures and tensions from the violent past. I argue that their efforts, delivered through performative and technocratic work, too often ignore the hierarchical social and political structures in which they operate. Furthermore, the assumption that their technical work can fix dysfunctional states results not only in a silencing of the social and political dynamics in play, but also demonstrates a form of imperialism and colonialism, leading to the reproduction of multi-layered unequal structures, paternalistic behaviours towards beneficiaries, privileging of implementers over supposed beneficiaries, and the repetition of counter-effective practices. These efforts and silences have the potential to exacerbate the issues rather than to alleviate them. This analysis engages with two academic debates: first, the questionable capacity of ‘professionalised' and ‘universalised' TJ mechanisms to deal with past crimes; and, second, whether aid practices can effectively contribute to ‘sustainable peace', ‘development' and ‘democracy' in post-conflict contexts. My analysis is driven by the following research questions: Why is the role of practitioners and their everyday crucial to understanding TJ processes? How does the professionalisation of aid and TJ shape the practices of TJ in Burundi and Rwanda? How and why do frictions between academic theory, policy discourse and everyday practice of TJ impact on outcomes on the ground? In conclusion, my research illustrates the way in which TJ professionalised practices constitute a battlefield, with “ongoing struggles in the battle for the nature and direction of the transition” being a metaconflict ‒ a “conflict about what the conflict is about”, in which TJ victors tilt all transitional mechanisms “towards an end point for transition that approximates” to their “battlefield goals” (Bell 2009). Within these everyday battles, TJ practitioners are playing a crucial role in the implementation of TJ. Through the dissemination of their expertise, they act as ‘brokers' and ‘translators' of the TJ toolkit approach. They, particularly the most powerful practitioners, produce interpretations and offer “scripts into which others can be recruited for a period” (Lewis and Mosse 2006, 13). As Norman Long (1992, 275) points out in looking at development actors, their professional practices constitute a “knowledge battlefield” in relation to “the issues of conflicting loyalties, of negotiation over ‘truth' claims, of battles over images and contesting interests.” Describing how TJ practitioners work around policy and practice in Rwanda and Burundi, I demonstrate how the gacaca law and the Burundian TRC law, and their policy frameworks and implementing activities, have all been created around the same global discourse. But the actual negotiations of specific prescriptions and implementation have led to very different practices being moulded around different dynamics of power by actors and organisations involved in these processes. Whereas these dynamics are but natural, silencing them behind technocratic knowledge, however, has severe implications. In contrast to most of the TJ literature making reference to civil society and international donors, my research underlines the role and consequences of their everyday politics, through which the directions of the TJ agenda are decided and implemented. Building on social anthropology and development studies, I underline the entanglement formed between TJ and aid, and bring attention to unattended effects of TJ practices, including how power has a play in policy implementation and how unequal relations are reproduced. Doing so, I expand the critical TJ scholarship and the calls for ‘localising transitional justice', as well as developing the understanding of the limitations of TJ processes in Rwanda and Burundi.

La investigación describe y analiza la relación entre la ONU y Ruanda entre 1990 y 1996, desde los aportes teóricos del constructivismo y la psicología política. Ruanda había alcanzado notoriedad en la esfera internacional por ser escenario de una de las peores masacres en la humanidad. El genocidio de 1994 duró 100 días y acabó con la vida de 800 mil personas. La Comunidad Internacional fracasó y UNAMIR, la misión de paz de las Naciones Unidas para Ruanda, se vio totalmente atada de manos. El genocidio siguió su rumbo, mientras la ONU abandonaba al país. El Frente Patriótico Ruandés (FPR), un movimiento guerrillero tutsi, le puso fin a la masacre y logró instaurar un nuevo gobierno en el país. Bajo este panorama, esta investigación examina las ideas que la ONU y Ruanda se generaron luego del genocidio, tanto de sí mismos como del otro. Se define la identidad, imagen e intereses de cada actor; y se analiza el efecto que tienen en el desarrollo de las relaciones postgenocidio. Se estudia la involución de las mismas, las cuales fueron al principio cooperativas, pero que culminarían con la salida del país de UNAMIR. De julio de 1994 hasta fines de año, la relación era positiva. Pronto, cuando las acciones ya no iban de la mano con las expectativas de comportamiento, las relaciones fueron cambiando. Ruanda se daría cuenta que la ONU no estaba en el país para ayudar en su reconstrucción. Primero, con UNAMIR, cuya prioridad fue atender a los refugiados y desplazados, los cuales habían participado directa o indirectamente en el genocidio. Segundo, con el Tribunal Penal Internacional para Ruanda (TPIR), acusado de mala gestión y lentitud. Desde fines de 1994, Ruanda empezó a mostrarse crítico con ambas iniciativas. Para la ONU, sin el interés de las grandes potencias para iniciar una misión de reconstrucción y ahora sin el consenso de Ruanda, la mejor opción era retirarse. En marzo de 1996, esta misión abandonaría el país. Las ideas, de este modo, tuvieron un efecto importante en la forma cómo actuaron y se relacionaron los actores involucrados, hasta su ruptura definitiva.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:30:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Danilo Ferreira da Fonseca.pdf: 1970576 bytes, checksum: 04a519b4ade3812f8facedef7b34dfe8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-11-25 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The present research covers for the Rwandan historical process of century XX, more necessarily, from the beginning of the Belgian settling in 1917 until the end of the genocide in 1994, pointing the different moments and underlying factors that had led the event of the genocide s actions in the decade of 1990. For such, it was valued in the construction of the research the Rwanda s social practice, as much its traditions, as well as its relation with the capitalism s world. The intention is objectify the history of Rwanda beyond a process dichotomized in a mere ethnic relation between tutsis and hutus. Understanding the functioning of the particular Rwandan social metabolism, had also been displayed the formations and relations of social class in the middle of Rwandan history, and from these, and its particularitities, its contradictions and tensions that had led in 1994 the death of hundreds of thousand of Rwandans, calls generically of tutsis and moderate hutus. Thus, the Rwandan genocide also is presented beyond a conflict between two ethnics groups, but yes, decurrently of a particular historical process that bring local agents with global interlocutions / A presente dissertação percorre pelo processo histórico ruandês do século XX, mais precisamente do início da colonização belga em 1917 até o final do genocídio em 1994, apontando os diferentes momentos e fatores determinantes que potencializaram o acontecimento das ações genocidas na década de 1990. Para tal, foi valorizada na construção do trabalho a prática social ruandesa, tanto suas tradições, como também sua relação com o capitalismo mundializado, com o intuito de objetivar a história de Ruanda além de um processo dicotomizado numa mera relação étnica entre tutsis e hutus. Desta forma, ao se entender o funcionamento do particular sociometabolismo ruandês, também ficaram expostas as formações e relações de classes sociais no interior da história ruandesa, e a partir destas, e suas especificidades, suas contradições e tensões que levaram em 1994 a morte de centenas de milhares de ruandeses, chamados genericamente de tutsis e hutus moderados. Assim, o genocídio ruandês também se apresenta muito além de um conflito entre duas etnias, mas sim, decorrente de um particular processo histórico que trazem múltiplos agentes locais com íntimas interlocuções globais

In this thesis, I set out to examine how Lukas Bärfuss’ Hundert Tage and Rainer Wochele’s Der General und der Clown represent the Rwandan genocide. I argue that narrative structures foreground the protagonists, their feelings and personal suffering rather than real events. The violence that occurred during the Rwandan genocide is narrated through the protagonists’ perspective and reflected in their development throughout the course of the novels. In a post-Holocaust and postcolonial paradigm German-speaking authors have to be mindful of the issues associated with topics such as genocide on the African continent. Especially texts written by German-language authors have to reflect on the violent history of German-speaking countries and they have to problematize traditional stereotypes that are connected with former colonies. Writing about genocide on a different continent highlights the difficulty of “speaking the unspeakable.” My analysis shows that both novels use narrative devices such as frame-narration and the separation between homo- and heterodiegetic narrators and their focalizers to create narrative and emotional distance from the characters and events. Further, the personal character traits and the development of the protagonists over the course of the novels are used to reflect both on the violence and the possibilities of narrating such extreme events. Both novels portray their protagonists as self-involved persons. I conclude that the statements they make about the genocide and their surroundings are ambiguous because they only relate those events that can be connected to the construction of the protagonists’s own identity. They present only parts of what they have seen in order to create a one-sided picture of themselves and of their suffering. In the first chapter of the main part of my thesis I provide an introduction about the issues associated with writing about the Rwandan genocide and locate Bärfuss and Wochele within the German-language tradition of writing about Africa. In the second chapter of the main part I examine how narrative strategies are used to call into question the veracity of the accounts of their protagonists. Furthermore, I argue that these narrative structures are also used to place special emphasis on the protagonists. The third chapter focuses on the protagonists’ perception of events and how their perspective is influenced by cultural stereotypes. I suggest that both protagonists aspire to create a certain picture of themselves, but a close reading reveals that both protagonists are influenced by cultural prejudices. These influences can also be seen in how they talk about the violence they have experienced. The last chapter investigates how violence is portrayed in the two novels. It becomes clear that the protagonists use descriptions of violence to foreground their own experiences, feelings and suffering rather than the actual genocide. I conclude that writing about genocide in a German-language context requires new narrative techniques to speak the unspeakable. Bärfuss and Wochele do not lay claim to any kind of truth. By problematizing their characters’ reliability as eye-witnesses, they undermine the notion that a universal “truthful” account of the events can be achieved. By focussing on their protagonists’ own suffering they highlight the “dark” continent’s role as the “other” in the self-conception of the West. Both authors use their protagonists to describe the violence that occurred in Rwanda and they do not absolve the murderers, but they also implicate their own protagonists and postcolonial Western cultural politics and stereotypes in contributing to the genocide.

Šiame darbe kalbėsiu apie 1994 metų genocidą Ruandoje – tris mėnesius trukusį įvykį, kurio metu viena žmonių grupė išžudė nuo 500 tūkst. iki milijono kitos grupės narių . Tutsių ir nuosaikiųjų hutų genocidas Ruandoje beveik sutapo su įvykiais Bosnijoje ir Hercogovinoje, kai Srebrenicos miestelyje serbų karinė grupuotė sušaudė beveik dešimt tūkstančių musulmonų vyrų. Žinoma, tarp šių dviejų įvykių tiesioginio ryšio nėra, išskyrus tai, kad genocidus vykdė žmonės, kurie dešimtmečiais taikiai gyveno vienas kito kaimynystėje. Štai čia ir kyla klausimai, kuriuos kelia visi genocido tyrinėtojai: kodėl žmonės dalyvauja masiniuose žudymuose?, kodėl tam tikru momentu nesuveikia smurtą stabdantis mechanizmas? Šio darbo tikslas ištirti genocidą Ruandoje kultūriniu aspektu ir pateikti šio įvykio interpretaciją atsižvelgiant į Rene Girardo smurto teoriją. Girardo smurto teorija, kuomet kalbama apie kolektyvinio smurto ir socialinės organizacijos sąryšius, šiandien yra vienu autoritetingiausių (Desmond, Kavanagh 2003:239). Savo veikale “Smurtas ir sakralumas” (La Violence et le sacré) Giradas teigia, jog smurtas yra neišvengiamas (Girard 2000:8-9). Jis egzistuoja kiekvienoje visuomenėje ir yra neatskiriama jos dalis. Pirmykštėse žmonių bendruomenėse, kur nėra teisinių ar valstybinių institucijų, bręstantis ir bendruomenės solidarumui grasinantis smurtas (konfliktai, kerštas) yra neutralizuojamas religiniais aukojimais – t.y. potenciali ar aktuali agresija yra nukreipiama į auką, „atpirkimo... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In this work I am talking about the genocide in Rwanda (1994) applying the Rene Girard theory of mimetic violence.

In this thesis, I set out to examine how Lukas Bärfuss’ Hundert Tage and Rainer Wochele’s Der General und der Clown represent the Rwandan genocide. I argue that narrative structures foreground the protagonists, their feelings and personal suffering rather than real events. The violence that occurred during the Rwandan genocide is narrated through the protagonists’ perspective and reflected in their development throughout the course of the novels. In a post-Holocaust and postcolonial paradigm German-speaking authors have to be mindful of the issues associated with topics such as genocide on the African continent. Especially texts written by German-language authors have to reflect on the violent history of German-speaking countries and they have to problematize traditional stereotypes that are connected with former colonies. Writing about genocide on a different continent highlights the difficulty of “speaking the unspeakable.” My analysis shows that both novels use narrative devices such as frame-narration and the separation between homo- and heterodiegetic narrators and their focalizers to create narrative and emotional distance from the characters and events. Further, the personal character traits and the development of the protagonists over the course of the novels are used to reflect both on the violence and the possibilities of narrating such extreme events. Both novels portray their protagonists as self-involved persons. I conclude that the statements they make about the genocide and their surroundings are ambiguous because they only relate those events that can be connected to the construction of the protagonists’s own identity. They present only parts of what they have seen in order to create a one-sided picture of themselves and of their suffering. In the first chapter of the main part of my thesis I provide an introduction about the issues associated with writing about the Rwandan genocide and locate Bärfuss and Wochele within the German-language tradition of writing about Africa. In the second chapter of the main part I examine how narrative strategies are used to call into question the veracity of the accounts of their protagonists. Furthermore, I argue that these narrative structures are also used to place special emphasis on the protagonists. The third chapter focuses on the protagonists’ perception of events and how their perspective is influenced by cultural stereotypes. I suggest that both protagonists aspire to create a certain picture of themselves, but a close reading reveals that both protagonists are influenced by cultural prejudices. These influences can also be seen in how they talk about the violence they have experienced. The last chapter investigates how violence is portrayed in the two novels. It becomes clear that the protagonists use descriptions of violence to foreground their own experiences, feelings and suffering rather than the actual genocide. I conclude that writing about genocide in a German-language context requires new narrative techniques to speak the unspeakable. Bärfuss and Wochele do not lay claim to any kind of truth. By problematizing their characters’ reliability as eye-witnesses, they undermine the notion that a universal “truthful” account of the events can be achieved. By focussing on their protagonists’ own suffering they highlight the “dark” continent’s role as the “other” in the self-conception of the West. Both authors use their protagonists to describe the violence that occurred in Rwanda and they do not absolve the murderers, but they also implicate their own protagonists and postcolonial Western cultural politics and stereotypes in contributing to the genocide.

Submitted by THASSIO SOARES ROCHA ALVES null (thassiorocha@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-11T19:41:33Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO Thassio Alves.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T16:24:04Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 alvez_tsr_me_mar.pdf: 1271683 bytes, checksum: a34da3a33a0b2c58a088c23fdcf718ef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / O presente estudo tem por objetivo a investigação da criação de dois instrumentos da Organização das Nações Unidas para a garantia dos Direitos Humanos, o Conselho de Segurança e a Convenção para a Prevenção e Repressão do Crime de Genocídio. Além disso, a principal linha de estudo é que os dois instrumentos supracitados não conseguiram evitar que casos de genocídio voltassem a ocorrer após o Holocausto, como nos casos do Camboja, Antiga Iugoslávia, Ruanda e Darfur, estes dois últimos o foco deste trabalho. Para atingir o objetivo proposto foi feito um estudo cronológico dos eventos, começando pela criação da ONU e o Conselho de Segurança, passando pela Convenção do Genocídio até chegar aos casos dos países africanos. Esta metodologia nos permite entender que mesmo com os esforços das Nações Unidas para garantir a paz e a segurança internacional, os resultados mostram que as medidas não foram suficientes, cabendo então à reflexão dos porquês. O principal objetivo que levou ao estudo deste tema é a busca de entender os motivos da ineficiência da Convenção do Genocídio, buscando nas resoluções aprovadas pelo Conselho de Segurança uma semelhança entre os casos, mostrando assim se há um padrão. Havendo este padrão, se faz necessário entender quais interesses por parte dos países com direito a veto no Conselho, para saber se esses interesses tiveram relações com os genocídios. Sendo assim, a crítica à postura tanto dos membros permanentes, como também de todos os países signatários da Convenção para Prevenção e Repressão ao Crime de Genocídio é importante, pois todos falharam diversas vezes com suas responsabilidades, cabendo então a análise de possíveis alternativas. / This study aims to investigate the creation of two instruments of the United Nations to guarantee the human rights, the Security Council and the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide. In addition, the main line of the study is that the two aforementioned instruments failed to prevent cases of genocide returned to occur after the Holocaust, as in the cases of Cambodia, the former Yugoslavia, Rwanda and Darfur, the latter two the focus of this work. To achieve this purpose was made a chronological study of events, beginning with the UN's creation and the Security Council, through the Genocide Convention until you get to the cases of African countries. This methodology allows us to understand that even in with the UN efforts to ensure peace and international security, the results show that the measures were not enough, then fitting reflection of the whys. The main objective that led to the study of this theme is the quest to understand the reasons for the inefficiency of the Genocide Convention, seeking the resolutions adopted by the Security Council a similarity between the cases, showing if there is a pattern. Having this standard, it is necessary to understand what interests by the countries with a veto in the Council to see if these interests have relations with genocide. Therefore, the criticism of the stance of both the permanent members, as well as all countries signatories to the Convention for the Prevention and Repression of the Crime of Genocide is important since all failed several times with their responsibilities, then fitting the analysis of possible alternatives.

This paper aimed to analyse the impact of power sharing on democracy. The paper also compared the approach of Burundi and Rwanda in their constitutions to the concept of power sharing.