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In China¡¦s view, it is necessary to get crude oil and oil pipeline. Under Russia and China strategic partnership, China tries to obtain ¡§long term promises¡¨ and ¡§Pipeline Corporation¡¨ from Russia in oil diplomacy. There are several findings in this article: 1. International oil prices are important to China¡¦s oil diplomacy with Russia. 2.China¡¦s oil diplomacy with Russia includes geop olitcs and diversification. 3. Due to economic development, China needs long term oil supply contract. Putin did not prove this contract. 4. Because of navel and air forces are not strong enough, China develops oil pipeline to protect oil security.

The presented paper is supposed to be an overviewing study covering the historical development of social formations built up on Kalmyk ethnic background and its relations with Russian state. Taking into consideration, that both Russian state and the Kalmyk ethnic group have undergone significant modifications during its historical development, the paper mainly recourses to diachronic analysis of the topic. Simultaneously with the diachronic approach is also applied the synchronic one, primarily with respect to the strategies of legitimization justifying the participation of the Kalmyk Republic in the Russian Federation. From the methodological viewpoint, the paper is based on short-time stay in Kalmykia, interviews with Kalmyks residing in Prague and Russian bibliography.

The Russian Orthodox community is a relatively small and little known group in Australian society, however, the history of the Russian presence in Australia goes back to 1809. As the Russian community includes a number of groups, both Christian and non-Christian, it would not be feasible to undertake a complete review of all aspects of the community and consequently, this work limits itself in scope to the Russian Orthodox community. The thesis broadly chronicles the development of the Russian community as it struggles to become a viable partner in Australia’s multicultural society. Many never before published documents have been researched and hitherto closed archives in Russia have been accessed. To facilitate this research the author travelled to Russia, the United States and a number of European centres to study the archives of pre-Soviet Russian communities. Furthermore, the archives and publications of the Australian and New Zealand Diocese of the Russian Orthodox Church have been used extensively. The thesis notes the development of Australian-Russian relations as contacts with Imperial Russian naval and scientific ships visiting the colonies increase during the 1800’s and traces this relationship into the twentieth century. With the appearance of a Russian community in the nineteenth century, attempts were made to establish the Russian Orthodox Church on Australian soil. However, this did not eventuate until the arrival of a number of groups of Russian refugees after the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War (1918-1922). As a consequence of Australia’s “Populate or Perish” policy following the Second World War, the numbers of Russian and other Orthodox Slavic displaced persons arriving in this country grew to such an extent that the Russian Church was able to establish a diocese in Australia, and later in New Zealand. The thesis then divides the history of the Russian Orthodox presence into chapters dealing with the administrative epochs of each of the ruling bishops. This has proven to be a suitable matrix for study as each period has its own distinct personalities and issues. The successes, tribulations and challengers of the Church in Australia are chronicled up to the end of the twentieth century. However, a further chapter deals with the issue of the Church’s prospects in Australia and its relevance to future generations of Russian Orthodox people. As the history of the Russians in this country has received little attention in the past, this work gives a broad spectrum of the issues, people and events associated with the Russian community and society at large, whilst opening up new opportunities for further research.

This thesis analyzes the penetration process of Turkish construction firms into the Russian market, in the frame of developing relations between Turkey and Russian Federation. Starting from the demise of Soviet Union, Turkish construction firms have played an important role on the convergence of these two countries both in economical and political relations. The dominance of the politics on the bilateral relations between Turkey and Soviet Union has started to weaken since from the liberalization attempts in both of the countries starting from the first half of 1980s. By the demise of Soviet Union, including Turkish construction activities in the Russian Federation, commercial relations have become the dominant factor that determines direction of the bilateral relations between these two countries. Within this context, this thesis seeks to explore the nature of overseas construction works in a particular geographical area, namely in the Russian Federation. In this study, I applied the semi-structured in-depth interview technique. The target group was selected from the administrative personnel and the field workers of Turkish overseas construction companies that have worked in the Russian construction market. In this frame, I carried out interviews with 10 top level managers of the Turkish overseas construction firms and 10 construction workers who have been worked in the Russian Federation.

The subject of my thesis is the impact of the Ukrainian crisis on German Russian relations and the German economy. Experts say that the deterioration of trade relations between the European Union and Russia caused by the Ukrainian crisis will also affect the economies of individual European countries. The deterioration in trade relations were caused by sanctions imposed in response to the crisis in Ukraine. The degree of impact of the Ukrainian crisis on a given country is directly proportional to the countrys interconnection with the Russia. Before the Ukrainian crisis began, Germany was Russias most active trading partner from the European Union. Germany also plays a significant role in the Ukrainian crisis, as a negotiator between the European Union and Russia. The influence of the Ukrainian crisis on the German economy is defined by the development of Germanys economic relations with Russia an important trading partner to Germany. Two economic indicators were used to assess the relationship: German-Russian commodity trading and German foreign direct investment in the Russian market. The development of trade between Germany and Russia was also analyzed within the individual economic sectors targeted by the sanctions. The impact of the Ukrainian crisis on the German economy was further assessed by the development of Germanys trade relati-ons with Ukraine and Belarus. The results of the analysis of economic indicators, which are in line with the information provided in expert sources, confirmed the negative impact of the Ukrainian crisis on German-Russian relations and the German economy. The negative impacts of the Ukrainian crisis on the German economy manifest in the form of financial losses caused by the decline in German exports to Russia and the poor economic situation of German investors in the Russian market. Due to the sanctions, some long-term projects between Germany and Russia were canceled, German companies operating in the Russian market experienced declining revenues, and these companies were forced to lay off workers.

The purpose of this study is to examine American perceptions of Russia as a problem between 2001 and 2021, specifically the perceptions present in the United States Senate Foreign Relations Committee (SFRC). It tries to answer two questions: 1) how the perceptions have developed, and the perceived reasons driving this development, and 2) the differences between Republican and Democratic senators. This is done with a qualitative content analysis of the seven hearings for United States Secretary of State held between 2001, in the beginning of George W. Bush’s presidency, to 2021, the beginning of Joe Biden’s presidency. The study makes use of actor-specific theory and Kaplowitz’ theory on the perception of enemies as its theoretical framework. The result of the study is that the perception has developed from a cautious view of a Russia that is unstable, but not hostile, to one of Russia as actively hostile and problematic. The question of party differences indicates that there are few differences between the two parties other than their view on Donald Trump and his connections to Russia, although this finding is not as conclusive.

This M.A studied how Russia was represented in selected media in Sweden and Germany, focusing on the annexation of Crimea in 2014. The purpose was to study how and which factors that influenced the view of Russia in selected media. The study was accomplished through a qualitative framing analysis of 32 news articles in Dagens Nyheter, Svenska Dagbladet, Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt and by interviewing six Swedish and German journalists, applying a thematic analysis. Theoretical perspectives from framing, agenda setting and foreign policy theory were drawn upon to view how it influenced the media reporting. The results show that the representation of Russia was negative and President Putin was seen as the most dominant actor in all four newspapers. The Swedish newspapers DN and SvD took a larger international approach compared to the two German newspapers and focused less on national actors, while German Süddeutsche Zeitung and Die Welt focused and set the agenda for German actors in the conflict. Results from the interviews showed a low influence of foreign policy in the media reporting, that the views of Russia in Sweden and Germany are influenced by each country’s historical, cultural, political and economic factors and respective relations between Sweden and Germany’s relations to Russia.

This thesis seeks to explain Poland’s energy security policies towards Russia in the period from 1990-2007. It is inspired by the puzzle that Poland’s commitments to reduce its dependence on imported oil and gas from Russia have varied considerably during this period. Numerous large-scale projects to enhance energy security have been proposed, abandoned and revisited, all in the absence of a significant change to Poland’s level of dependence on Russia or its exposure to supply risks. This puzzle poses a challenge to conventional approaches to energy security, which tend to explain policies as a function of ‘material’ shifts in the price, supply or demand for fossil fuels. Though these factors are undoubtedly important it is argued that, in the case of Poland, energy security is more affected by domestic decision-making processes than by such material shifts. In particular, the degree and form of intervention in the energy sector by the political executive in Poland is highlighted as a key factor explaining energy security policy output. These interventions in Poland are classified and distinguished according to three types of ‘policy network’ – statist, corporatist and liberal, each of which represented a different outlook on the optimal means for ensuring energy security. These policy networks were embedded within different governments, and their preferences fashioned Poland’s responses to energy security challenges occurring under similar material conditions.