Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-29T19:33:28Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Rodrigo Duque Estrada Campos.pdf: 1420665 bytes, checksum: 326b11838022c4c903158ca076b460d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This dissertation thesis analyses the process of intellectual reception of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies. Drawing upon the methodological discussion on the history of ideas, we question the typical bifurcation between textualism and contextualism as univocal principles of interpretation of the meaning of texts. Relevant to our analysis is not only to identify what the controversial German jurist really meant to say in his texts, but that its meaning is also conditioned by the use that is made out of it, of what one can make Schmitt “say” concerning the reception of his thought. What have been the uses of Carl Schmitt in Critical Security Studies and what structure of presuppositions and interests condition the social reading of the thinker in the area? To answer such questions, the first chapter offers a brief introduction to Schmitt’s thought, with a special attention to his “international” thinking. The second chapter analyses the first reception venue of Schmitt in Critical Security Studies, where it developed a negative hermeneutics in the debates about securitization theory and the normative need to depart from the ‘Schmittean logic’ of security; the second chapter analyses the second reception venue, which involves the critique to a universal and intrinsic concept of security. To the authors of this line of interpretation, the critique of Schmitt’s theoretical framework on sovereign decisionism and the concept of the political would allow to shift the fixed grammar of security towards a more progressive and emancipative terms; the last chapter analyses the individual appropriation of Schmitt by Andreas Behnke, who developed the last reception venue until the present moment. Escaping the negative hermeneutics, Behnke builds a new Schmittean analytical framework for security, which expands on Schmitt’s bibliographical horizon and criticizes the predominantly liberal premises of Critical Security Studies / A dissertação analisa o processo de recepção de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança. Com base na discussão metodológica da história das ideias, problematizamos a bifurcação típica entre textualismo e contextualismo como princípiosunívocosde interpretação do significado dos textos. Relevante para nossa análise não é identificar apenas o que o controverso jurista alemão realmente quis dizer em seus textos, mas ofato de que o significado de suaobra está também condicionado ao uso que se faz dela, e do que se pode fazê-la“falar” com base na recepção do pensamentode Schmitt. Quais os usos de Carl Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança e que estruturas de pressuposições e interesses condicionam a leitura do pensador na área? Para responder tal pergunta, o primeiro capítulo oferece uma breve introdução ao pensamento de Schmitt, com especial atenção ao seu ‘pensamento internacional’. O segundo capítulo analisa a primeira via de recepção de Schmitt nos Estudos Críticos de Segurança, onde se construiu uma hermenêutica negativa no âmbito dos debates sobre a teoria da securitização e a necessidade normativa de se afastar da “lógica schmitteana” da segurança; o terceiro capítulo analisa a segunda via de recepção de Schmitt, que envolve críticas a uma concepção universal e intrínseca da segurança. Para os autores desta linha interpretativa, a crítica ao arcabouço teórico de Schmitt sobre o decisionismo soberano e o conceito do político permitiria deslocar a gramática fixa da segurança em termos mais progressistas e emancipadores; o último capítulo analisa a apropriação individual de Andreas Behnke da obra de Schmitt, que constitui a última via derecepção (até o presente momento) do autor nos ECS. Fugindo da hermenêutica negativa, Behnke critica o que considera a leitura reducionistade Schmitt nos ECS e constrói um novo marco analítico schmitteano da segurança, que expande o lequebibliográfico de Schmitt e critica as premissas liberais da maior parte dos ECS

Shifts in culture and technology have changed the manifestation of celebrity in modern society, culminating in the practice of internet microcelebrity, where one views followers as fans, produces content consistent with a personal brand, and engages in strategic interaction with devotees. This thesis examines how those effects have also changed how terrorists present themselves and operationalize celebrity status. An original typology of terrorist celebrity is presented: traditional, martyr, and internet micro-celebrity. Two in-depth case studies of terrorist micro-celebrities are analyzed: Anwar al-Awlaki of Al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and Junaid Hussain of the Islamic State. The case studies are examined through content analysis of social media postings, personal chat transcripts, as well as mainstream media coverage of the individuals used to reconstruct their biographies. Following mainstream trends, these terrorist internet celebrities have built personal brands that target specific communities. Awlaki targeted English-speaking Muslims living in the West and IS foreign fighters like Hussain often target young people in the fighter’s countries of origin. Their online personas are created to be relatable and engaging to those specific audiences. Ultimately, mainstream celebrity trends have bled into terrorist behavior. By creating brands and managing them through micro-celebrity practices, terrorists have effectively weaponized online celebrity, using it for recruitment and planning.

This dissertation analyzes the relevance and importance of small buffer states for contemporary International Relations. It argues that sub-systemic interactions reinvigorate the role of buffer states in regional security. Using the case study of the triadic relationship among India, Nepal, and China, this study explains the evolving role of buffer states. The technological innovations in weapons systems, transportation, and communication have extended the reach of potential adversaries, rendering intermediate territorial space less significant than in the past. Thus, it is hypothesized in this dissertation that increased sub-systemic rivalry reinvigorates differently the relevance and significance of buffer states. The role of such states has evolved from an overwhelmingly geographic concept based on spatial discontinuity between larger rival powers to that of a fluid political space in which Great/Middle Power rivalry and competition play out. The research utilizes a mixed research design, specifically called the convergent parallel design. Data was collected based on specific critical junctures between 1990-2017. For quantitative analysis, data on trade, foreign direct investment, and foreign aid were collected; for the qualitative data analysis, foreign policy statements, press releases, and media briefs were used. Incorporating the Kruskal-Wallis Test and content analysis, both the results of the qualitative and quantitative analyses were collectively interpreted. Results demonstrate that during critical historical junctures, material and rhetorical engagements of both China and India invigorate within the buffer state of Nepal. In periods that India increases its material and rhetorical engagements, China concomitantly decreases its material engagement all the while increasing its rhetorical engagement. In essence, buffer states maintain relevance through the externalization of interactions between larger powers in the form of dynamic rhetorical and material engagements. In this case, Nepal maintains its relevance as a dynamic political space for interactions between its neighbors, India and China.

<p>In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ‘soft power’ proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment. Insufficiency of economic power in solving security problems became more visible with the terrorist attacks of September 11 and March 11 which proved the seriousness of a globalized security threat posed by terrorism. After the events took place, the EU’s security approach and threat assessment have been transformed in which the issue of terrorism occupied more profound place by ‘securitization’ of its context. The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU began to play more prominent role on EU policies together with incorporating the efforts on the issue of fight against terrorism both to EU’s external relations and to its security dimension. Therefore, in this study, the author analyzes the research question of the development of the CFSP of the EU together with the impact of the issue of terrorism in this transforming security environment. Since examination of such a complex security issue necessitates multidimensional approach, then liberal and realist theories are used as complementary analytical instruments guiding the theoretical framework of the study.</p>

In the post Cold-War era, world politics was transforming itself through its emerging complex issues such as terrorism and influential and interdependent actors such as the European Union. In this new era, the European Union was developing its Common Foreign and Security Policy pillar both to present a coherent and unified EU policy and to prove its political potent in order to become an influential actor on world politics. On the other side, security environment was also transforming its content through emerging actors and issues. As one of the most prominent actors of the world politics, the EU was influenced by the transformation of security environment, whose economic ‘soft power’ proved necessary but insufficient for being a global power in this emerging security environment. Insufficiency of economic power in solving security problems became more visible with the terrorist attacks of September 11 and March 11 which proved the seriousness of a globalized security threat posed by terrorism. After the events took place, the EU’s security approach and threat assessment have been transformed in which the issue of terrorism occupied more profound place by ‘securitization’ of its context. The Common Foreign and Security Policy of the EU began to play more prominent role on EU policies together with incorporating the efforts on the issue of fight against terrorism both to EU’s external relations and to its security dimension. Therefore, in this study, the author analyzes the research question of the development of the CFSP of the EU together with the impact of the issue of terrorism in this transforming security environment. Since examination of such a complex security issue necessitates multidimensional approach, then liberal and realist theories are used as complementary analytical instruments guiding the theoretical framework of the study.

Post-structuralist IR has often treated foreign policy/security discourses and their effects on policy through a “representational model”, i.e. how one dominant representation makes possible particular policy outcomes. However, in a longitudinal analysis, where the concern with “outcome” is already about continuity/change, this model is restricting and must be replaced by a model integrating multiple voices and contestations, and looking for non-linear mechanisms of long-term constraints. Thus, the purpose of this thesis is, first, to develop a theoretical-analytical framework suitable for an explicit interest in contestations and tracing constraints; and second, in an illustrative-explorative study, to apply such relational-dialogical framework to “war on terror” in the US and the UK (2001-2012). Bakhtinian Dialogism occupies an important status in the framework; therefore, a broader aim is to demonstrate how a “dialogical turn” inspired by the philosophy of Mikhail Bakhtin and his circle would enrich debate. Developments of the past decade – increased anti-war critique, change of governments in the US and the UK, and protracted withdrawal – provide new grounds for a longitudinal inquiry into “war on terror”. Moving beyond the question how “war on terror” was initially constructed and legitimised, scholarly attention must focus on a longitudinal inquiry into why “war on terror” endured. In this respect, the formidable deconstructions of official discourses by anti-war critique have received marginal attention in IR. The empirical part explores how critical discourses have contested the official narratives; how the latter have engaged with them as well as with moderate deliberative critique, and to what effect for continuity/change, to understand whether and how successive governments in the US and the UK have been discursively constrained (bound) in their attempts to change policy. Without claiming to be a comprehensive explanation, it locates and interprets patterns and logics within the discursive exchanges, delineating potential routes contributing to constraints and hence continuation. Thus, on the one hand, destabilising critique was shattering the foundations of the official “war on terror” narratives without fully re-inscribing the dislocated space with new imaginings, thus inviting official representatives to re-claim such space. On the other hand, deliberative voices were pushing for the realisation of the promises inherent in the official discourse, demanding “winning” the (albeit “mistaken”) war, thus inviting for continued engagement.

Post-modern feminist security studies explore how our discourse about gender and war affects the construction of security as a concept. Military narratives valorizing the masculine over the feminine have long marginalized women warriors. In recent years, images of the torture and abuse of detainees have appropriated the representation of women interrogators during the Global War on Terrorism in particular. This research applied interpretative phenomenological analysis to the narratives of women interrogators in order to challenge the silence concerning their lived experiences by addressing how women interrogators understand their experiences both as woman and as interrogators, and how they negotiated socially constructed contradictions between these identities. Based on an analysis of semi-structured interviews with eight participants, the findings produced seven, interrelated themes. First, the findings explored the integration of gender with other markers of identity. Next, the findings demonstrated women interrogators recognize gender as a context-dependent role negotiated within the military institution through the development and demonstration of technical prowess. Then, the findings described interrogation as a complex adaptive system in which women interrogators harnessed to achieve their goals. Finally, the findings determined that the intersection of women interrogators’ identities and their interactions in the context of interrogation operations generated the perception of women interrogators as non-threatening. Women interrogators learned to exploit the meaning of this emergent phenomenon through introspection and the development of self-awareness.

In this paper, I will present a Kantian revision of the Doctrine of Double Effect (DDE). In order to do so, I will explain the concept of jus in bello – focusing in particular on the distinction between intent and foresight. I will then argue that we ought to take an agency-inspired look at the DDE. Finally, I will conclude by arguing for my thesis that Boyle’s theory of agency, while good, needs to be revised in order to accommodate concerns stemming from Kant’s Formula of Humanity… namely consent.

The trend towards the automation and robotization of warfare, enabling the exercise of violence from a distance, has been long-present, dating back to such inventions as the bow and arrow that allowed an archer to kill from afar. Today’s military drones now permit an extreme separation between rivals. James Der Derian’s concept of virtuous war encapsulates a certain normative view of current and future wars. A rationale of the actors waging virtuous war is that violence is used in a cleaner way, resulting in ever fewer battle deaths. In this thesis, I argue that the next step in the progression of military weaponry is the inclusion of artificial superintelligence (hereinafter ASI) in the American drone and counterterrorism program. While including this technology into the American war machine may represent a moral objective, I conclude that the use of ASI for military purposes is immoral because accountability becomes indeterminable.

No description available.