“We would never accept the Japanese putting up a site next to Pearl Harbor. There's no reason for us to accept a mosque next to the World Trade Center.”Newt Gingrich said the above words in reference to the recent “ground-zero mosque debate”, a heated media controversy which surrounded plans for the Park 51 Islamic Community Center to open in downtown Manhattan on the 10th anniversary of the September 11th attacks. Assuming a necessary enmity between America and Islam, Gingrich’s claims seem rooted in the theory of a “Clash of Civilizations”. This theory envisions “the West” and “Islam” as diametrically opposed entities with no common values, and has become widely pervasive in informing much of post-9/11 America’s political and academic discourse. When chalked up against the social, cultural, and literary history of Islam, however, the Clash of Civilizations theory is a poor fit. For medieval Arabo-Islamic culture saw a vast rise of humanistic literature bearing a clear multi-civilizational influence. The Letters of the Goodwill Brothers of Basra constitute one of the most overlooked of these works. Composed by a group of 10th century Abbasid Muslim littérateurs, the 52 Letters draw parallels between the teachings of Islam and those of prior great wisdom traditions, including Indian and Ancient Greek wisdom, Judaism, and Christianity. Focusing on the way the Letters frame Islam in the context of perennial human wisdom, I show how this text is ultimately an irenic text aimed at promoting religious tolerance and cooperation in the tumultuous sectarian atmosphere of 10th century Abbasid Iraq. I argue ultimately that the irenic message of the Letters presents an alternative narrative to the Clash of Civilizations theory, a narrative of tolerance from the Islamic past by which our own society may benefit when it comes to the relationships between American Muslims and non-Muslims. / text

The theory proposed here is that the Supreme Court behaves in a strategic manner at the agenda-setting stage in order to vote sincerely on the merits. To test this, I measure the impact issue salience and ideological distance between Congress and the Supreme Court has on the agenda. The results indicate that whether the Supreme Court behaves either sincerely or strategically depends on the policy area. The strategic nature of the Supreme Court at the agenda-setting phase may be in large part why some research shows that the Court behaves sincerely when voting on the merits. By behaving strategically at the agenda-setting phase, the Court is free to vote sincerely in later parts of the judicial process.

This PhD thesis seeks to establish a multi-layered definition of the principle of loyal cooperation in EU law in its current form. It focuses on four fundamental ways of describing this principle. The first one is a linguistic analysis of the term "principle of loyal cooperation" itself. The thesis looks at its equivalents in all official languages of the EU and applies various linguistic (etymology) and non-linguistic research tools and findings from the study of history, social psychology and philosophy to understand and delimit the principle of loyal cooperation in EU law. In a second step, the principle is examined at three separate levels. At the first level the situation and significance of the actors bound by loyalty is explored. At the second level the paper focuses on the differences between the principle of loyal cooperation, the way commitments are met in international public law, and the mechanisms of ensuring loyalty in countries with a federal structure. Lastly, the third level of analysis looks into the ways the principle of loyal cooperation and its operation vary according to the area of competence. Keywords: principle of sincere cooperation, European Union law, theory of federalism, European studies

Denna uppsats undersöker svenska väljare tendens att rösta med hjärtat, det vill säga närmre sina preferenser, i Europaparlamentsvalet 2014. I förhållande till den existerande litteraturen så studerar jag hur Europaparlamentsvalets "second-order"-karaktär påverkar deras val av parti i det. Hur kan man veta vad som har fått väljarna att rösta på ett visst parti? Jag har genom binär logistisk regressionsanalys i kombination med bivariat analys funnit indikationer på att väljarna tenderar att rösta med hjärtat och då efter deras preferenser på vänster-högerskalan i större utsträckning jämfört med deras syn på EU.

This study explores how white social movement activists in Madrid, Spain, relate to race and racism, a previously unexamined issue in the Spanish context. The study is based upon qualitative semi-structured interviews and analytically framed within critical whiteness studies. The first part of the study focuses on how the interviewed activists understand race, whiteness and racism at a conceptual level. The second part analyses three dominant discourses that the white activists employ to make sense of race and racism in the specific context of social movements. The findings indicate an important gap between the two and show that when referring to social movements, all activists engage in racism evasiveness, allowing them to reproduce a sincere fiction of the white self as a "good" and "non-racist" person. The study moreover discusses how the three discourses may influence the way in which anti-racist work can be framed and despite some differences, they all present serious limitations in terms of challenging both internal and external racial power relations.