published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

<p>Sociologists often depict demographic categories as socially constructed, non-essential, and fluid. The language of fluid, contingent categories has not, however, translated very well into the practice of describing social change in a population. There are notable exceptions, but the typical approach is still to take fixed demographic categories, such as Black/White, and follow their outcomes over time. The first goal of this dissertation is to bridge the gap between theory and practice by offering a formal framework for measuring categorical fluidity. The second goal is to use changes in categorical meaning to explore the macro features of a social system.</p><p>First, I develop a model of categorical change rooted in interaction patterns, such as marriage or friendship rates. Interaction patterns offer an ideal metric to measure fluid demographic categories: they concretely capture social distinctions without relying solely on pre-defined labels. I consider two categories to be equivalent if the observed behavioral implications of group membership are the same, even if the labels are different. If College graduates now interact in the same manner as High School graduates used to, then College is the new HS. To formalize this idea, I place categories into social locations based on observed rates of interaction. Categories are close if interaction is likely and far if interaction is unlikely. I then ask which categories occupy the same locations over time, or have the same range of interaction partners. </p><p>Second, I apply this model to the question of racial change in America. I interpret two macro level changes, one demographic and one political, through the lens of categorical change. Demographically, there have been large increases in the number of Hispanics identifying as Other racially, as opposed to White or Black. Using Census marriage data, I find that this increase in Other-Hispanics reflects a schism in the meaning of Hispanic. The shifts in social locations point to a growing divide between those that see Hispanic as another race and those that do not. Politically, there have been large changes in the measurement of race, with individuals now allowed to claim multiple races in the census. I ask how these "new" mixed race categories fit into the existing racial order. I find that the Hispanic mixed race categories create distinct categories in a way that the mixing of traditional racial/ethnic categories does not. </p><p>Third, I use the model of categorical change to test theories of power and influence. I argue that the meaning of a category amongst one part of the population may be shaped by the experience, or changing conditions, of another part of the population. This asymmetry serves as the measure of aggregate level influence. Substantively, I apply this approach to racial stratification in the US, where I use joint changes in educational meaning and attainment to characterize systems of racial stratification from 1940-2000. Using Census data on race and education, I find that the US is characterized by a system of hegemony, where changes in attainment amongst the majority drive the meaning of education for other racial groups.</p> / Dissertation

This study addresses violent urban disturbances which occurred in England in the early 1980s with particular reference to the Bristol ‘riots’ of April 1980 and the numerous disorders which followed in July 1981. Revisiting two concepts traditionally utilised to explain the spread of collective violence, namely ‘diffusion’ and ‘contagion,’ it argues that the latter offers a more useful model for understanding the above-mentioned events. Diffusion used in this context implies that such disturbances are independent of each other and occur randomly. It is associated with the concept of ‘copycat riots’, which were commonly invoked by the national media as a way of explaining the spread of urban disturbances in July 1981. Contagion by contrast holds that urban disturbances are related to one another and involve a variety of communication processes and rational collective decision-making. This implies that such events can only be fully understood if they are studied in terms of their local dynamics. Providing the first comprehensive macro-historical analysis of the disturbances of July 1981, this thesis utilises a range of quantitative techniques to argue that the temporal and spatial spread of the unrest exhibited patterns of contagion. These mini-waves of disorder located in several conurbations were precipitated by major disturbances in inner-city multi-ethnic areas. This contradicts more conventional explanations which credit the national media as the sole driver of riotous behaviour. The thesis then proceeds to offer a micro analysis of disturbances in Bristol in April 1980, incorporating both qualitative and quantitative techniques. Exploiting previously unexplored primary sources and recently collected oral histories from participants, it establishes detailed narratives of three related disturbances in the city. The anatomy of the individual incidents and local contagious effects are examined using spatial mapping, social network and ethnographic analyses. The results suggest that previously ignored educational, sub-cultural and ethnographic intra- and inter-community linkages were important factors in the spread of the disorders in Bristol. The case studies of the Bristol disorders are then used to illuminate our understanding of the processes at work during the July 1981 disturbances. It is argued that the latter events were essentially characterised by anti-police and anti-racist collective violence, which marked a momentary recomposition of working-class youth across ethnic divides.

The extent of the social and political transformations that have taken place in Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania since the collapse of the Soviet Union is remarkable, but the research has pointed out some controversial aspects of their developments. Crucially, there is a discrepancy between the governments' commitment to creating democratic political regimes, to ensuring harmonious social relations and to accommodating the ethno-cultural diversity of the resident communities.

For 17 years, the Defense of Marriage Act (DOMA), Public Law 104-199, 110 U.S. Statutes at Large 2419 (1996), prevented same-sex couples from enjoying the same federal benefits granted to heteronormative married couples. Among these benefits, the inability to provide immigration sponsorship for foreign-born spouses was particularly burdensome for bi-national same-sex couples. In this dissertation, marriage inequality serves as the backdrop for an investigation of bi-national same-sex couples’ dilemmas, strategies, and ultimate outcomes during and after the Supreme Court’s decision to strike down Section 3 of DOMA. With the use of semi-structured interviews, I collected data from 30 individuals in bi-national same-sex relationships who were together before and after the United States v. Windsor decision. My intent is to both document their experiences and to advance scholarship in the areas of social inequality and social change.

As terrorism continues to evolve, can we better understand when a terrorist group will utilize mass violence as opposed to targeted violence? Jeff Goodwin argues that by understanding societal factors, we can predict when a terrorist organization will choose selective or categorical terrorism. But, can we rely on these societal factors alone or can other factors allow for a more complex understanding? After testing each of the variables and additional factors against three case studies, it became apparent that Goodwin’s theory could be utilized to better understand when a terrorist organization will utilize selective versus categorical terrorism. Additionally, the presence or absence of a culture of honor may also predict the type of violence a terrorist organization will utilize. I propose that future research examine the relationship between target and violence type and a culture of honor.

In the last twenty years, Saudi Arabia has been modernizing much faster and in a shorter period than in the majority of the world’s countries. This study seeks to examine factors that influence the diet of Saudi Arabians. Aside from language, one of the principal manifestations of culture is a country’s cuisine. I sought to determine whether factors, such as exposure to other countries, an income increase, or simply the desire to diversify the palette have led to a change in diet. This mixed-methods study employed 148 surveys looking at attitudes towards the United States and other countries, travel abroad, age, religiousness, and the influence of television and the Internet. These variables were correlated against where food is bought and dining preference. Fifteen in-depth interviews looked at longitudinal changes in traditional vegetable and meat markets since the arrival of the hypermarket. Findings indicated that the recent introduction of a multitude of foreign restaurants and foods into Saudi Arabia is not a new story, but only a new chapter in a book written by Saudi merchants. The Gulf Arabs are known, and have been known for millennia, as traders. I put forward that Saudi businessmen are the agents of change not multinational corporations. The presence of these restaurants and hypermarkets is due largely to pull, not push factors. If their culture is dramatically changing, then it is at the behest of Saudi Arabians themselves.

Work in general is under-theorised as a site of oppression in queer and intersectional studies, despite the power imbalances it manifests and its far-reaching effects on everyday lives. Anti-work theory is a useful conceptual tool for examining work critically. The purpose of this study is therefore to form a bridge between queer and anti-work politics and theory. Using a broad conception of work drawing on the Marxist and feminist concepts of social reproduction and emotional labour, this study explores anti-work politics situated in relation to the author (who is queer), in contrast to previous accounts which focus on a heteronormative division of labour. The text lays down a theoretical background bringing together elements of queer, anti-work and intersectional theory. With the lack of previous work on the topic, the study instead incorporates previous empirical research on queer work and delves into their problems, before returning to theoretical texts on the relation between queer and capitalism, and the politics of anti-work. This study is centred around the reports of nine queers in Berlin, Germany. It uses the ethnographic methods of semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis to gain intersectional insights into the links people make between queerness and the drive to work, resisting work, and the future.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management specialising in Entrepreneurship and New Venture Creation Johannesburg, 2016 / Social entrepreneurship is considered to be a practical way of solving global social challenges. Social entrepreneurs are considered to be change agents with a purpose of making a difference to those in need. Therefore, developing social entrepreneurship and potential social entrepreneurs should be encouraged and celebrated. This study aims to identify potential entrepreneurs in South Africa, by examining the intentions of students at universities in South Africa with regard to establishing a social venture. Empirical evidence suggests that motivational factors influencing behaviour can be summarised as intentions. Ajzen’s Theory of Planned Behaviour (1991) suggests that intentions are a prerequisite for entrepreneurial behaviour. This study presents an integrated model drawing on existing social intention-based models by Mair and Noboa (2003) and Ayob et al. (2013). The study seeks to establish the significance of relationships between antecedents (empathy, exposure and selfefficacy) and perceived feasibility and desirability and their influence on social entrepreneurial intentions. In order to analyse the hypothesised relationships in the proposed model, Structural Equation Modelling was conducted, based on 171 respondents. The findings of the study indicate that only empathy and exposure as antecedents to perceived feasibility had positive and significant relationships. The relationships between the antecedents of empathy, exposure and self-perceived desirability were insignificant. Surprisingly, the relationship between self-efficacy and perceived feasibility in this study was non-significant. Social entrepreneurship has the potential to solve the challenging social problems currently facing South Africa. Because of this, a study to determine the elements that motivate Social Entrepreneurship Intentions is invaluable. The study should provide some guidance in promoting and encouraging entrepreneurship through various interventions (Malebana, 2014). / MT2016

Hegemonic discourses and ideologies of social work in South Africa, arose from the racist capitalism of colonialism and apartheid. Imperatives for social justice and social change therefore require that social work education reflect on and develop discourses of radical and critical knowledge and practice. The main aim of the study was to explore the extent to which South African social work knowledge and education, as reflected in various formal and narrative discourses, meets critical imperatives for social change and transformation. The study was qualitative in nature, using a depth-hermeneutic approach, with various interrelated, coherent empirical processes. These include reviewing extant theory to contribute to a framework of knowledge and practice constitutive of social change, conducting a politically engaged, critical thematic analysis of social work discourse constitutive of social change, as reflected historically in a selection of formal South African social work texts and in the narratives from group conversations among South African social work educators. Early South African social work knowledge and practice had emerged from the ‘social hygiene’ and eugenics movement, but later, Afrikaner nationalist ideology and liberal and racist capitalism shaped social work. In postapartheid South Africa, discourses of social development and reform within a free market rational economy; ideologies of liberalism and capitalism as solutions to structural social problems, neo-liberal discourses of individual responsibility and valorisation of agency, social control and regulation, are prevalent. Social work knowledge and practice consistently supported hegemonic ideologies of the state. Throughout the history of social work however, there was evidence of counterhegemonic, radical and critical discourse, albeit suppressed and hidden. Knowledge and practice constitutive of social change can be positioned on a continuum from oppressive, domesticating and colonizing knowledge and practice, to coercion and status quo maintenance, to institutional and societal reformist knowledge and practice; to transformational and critical knowledge and practice; and to radical and revolutionary knowledge and practice.