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The under-theorisation of the concept of generation within feminism has led to negative and unproductive disputes. In the heated generational exchanges of the 1990s, feminists were cast according to age into opposing sides: old or young, mothers or daughters, second wave or third wave. These categories are limiting and the conflict harmful for feminist politics. In order to avoid these pitfalls, a theoretical framework is developed that draws on the work of Karl Mannheim and post feminist cultural analyses to elucidate the significance of popular culture in marking a generation. This framework then enables an examination of the way feminist discourses are played out in popular culture and helps explain young women’s complex engagement with feminism. This thesis brings together interviews with young Australian women and an analysis of two television programmes that exhibit post feminist characteristics: Sex and the City and Desperate Housewives. It examines the ways in which young women critically engage with these texts and explores popular culture as an arena where feminist discourses are contested. The era is characterised as post feminist because of the entanglement of feminism with popular culture, but it is also marked by the intersection of equality feminism with a neoliberal emphasis on individualism. Within this context, second wave feminist discourses of equality have slipped into the rhetoric of choice, which has important implications for feminist theory. The pervasive sense of choice and opportunity circulated by these discourses obscures the structural limitations that continue to affect women’s lives and demand that women make the “right” choices, build a successful career, find a suitable long-term partner, and become a good mother. This thesis mobilises post feminism as a valuable analytical concept that can be used to characterise the current generation of young women, not simply because they have grown up after the height of second wave feminism, but because the prevailing discourses of this historical moment reflect both continuity with, and a challenge to, earlier feminist debates. The mainstreaming of many feminist ideas and their reflection in popular culture provides the conditions for new forms of feminism to emerge. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Typescript (photocopy) Bibliography: leaves 779-813.

Drawing on in-depth interviews, participant observation and my experiences of working with young homeless people in refuges, in this thesis I develop an analysis which identifies some key spatial practices through which young people negotiate the field of homelessness in inner-city Sydney. The particular contribution of this work is to consider homelessness in terms of a theorised understanding of the broader role of place within homelessness, rather than in terms of the immediacy of cause or solution. While acknowledging the importance of the large body of work which has focused on the structural causes of homelessness and the need for a clear policy-oriented definition of homelessness, I develop an alternative agenda for a focus on young homeless people's struggles to feel 'in place' and 'at home'. These struggles throw into relief the need to understand young people???s homelessness in terms of a search, not just for a place to stay, but for a place to belong. Utilising the rich body of work which explores the important relation of place and subjectivity, I connect young people???s experiences of place within homelessness with the broader social and phenomenological concepts of ???displacement??? and ???implacement???. In particular, I focus on the spatial relations through which young people construct and organise their daily paths and begin to make sense of their often painful and chaotic lives and their fears about the future. I contextualise their fragile experiences of being somewhere in a broader spatial structure of constant movement and grief and feelings of alienation from the wider community. I consider the enduring role of past homes in their continuing struggle to piece together a way of ???being at home??? both in terms of drawing together a network of physical places of safety and in terms of experiencing a sense of acceptance, recognition and rootedness through place. I point to the critical need to include broader understandings of both home and homelessness in addressing the displacement which shapes the experience of homelessness for young people and impacts on the success of immediate measures developed to respond to it.

This thesis explores urban poverty and the adaptations of the urban poor in the slums of the megacity of Dhaka, Bangladesh. It seeks to make a contribution to understanding and analysis of the phenomenon of rapid mass urbanisation in the Third World and its social consequences, the formation of huge urban slums and new forms of urban poverty. Its focus is the analysis of poverty which has been overwhelmingly dominated by economic approaches to the neglect of the social questions arising from poverty. This thesis approaches these social questions through an ???urban livelihood framework???, arguing that this provides a more comprehensive framework to conceptualise poverty through its inclusion of both material and non-material dimensions. The study is based on primary data collected from slums in Dhaka City. Five hundred poor households were surveyed using a structured questionnaire to investigate the economic activities, expenditure and consumption, access to housing and land, family and social networking and cultural and political integration. The survey data was supplemented by qualitative data collected through fifteen in-depth interviews with poor households. The thesis found that poverty in the slums of Dhaka City was most strongly influenced by recent migration from rural areas, household organisation, participation in the ???informal??? sector of the economy and access to housing and land. Almost half of the poor households in the study locations were identified as ???hardcore poor???, that is having insufficient income for their physical needs. The remainder were found to be ???absolute poor???, those who experienced poverty and vulnerability but varied in their levels of income and consumption. This level of poverty was also characterised by their social, cultural and political marginalisation. In summary, the urban poor remain very much dependent on their household and social networking, the main social capital they use to adapt to life in Dhaka City. Overall, the urban poor in this study experience the highest level of poverty and vulnerability in their everyday life. The thesis argues that the experience of poverty in the megacity of Dhaka for these households follows the pattern of urbanisation without development, the very opposite to their expectations and aspirations.

This thesis presents the findings of research into industrial and employment relations in the PNG mining industry, with particular reference to the Porgera gold mine. The thesis examines the challenges multinational mining companies go through in the formation and control of the workforces in PNG mines. Recruitment, training, localisation and industrial relations issues are discussed in relation to several mines, including Porgera. The discussion analyses two crucial concepts, 'pluralism' and 'exceptionalism' to draw attention to the fact that PNG's industrial relations system is 'pluralistic' in nature and approach; and therefore, 'exceptional' when compared to similar developing countries. Further, the thesis also analyses two theoretical models: general mode of industrialisation and state model. It assesses their applicability and relevance to PNG's human resource development and industrial relations system, particularly in the mining industry. The research draws on data gathered through long periods of fieldwork and observation of indigenous workers in PNG mines. It discusses entry to and adaptation to industrial work by Papua New Guinea tribes people. Particularly, the emergence of an industrial workforce at Porgera mine and its human resource implications are explored and discussed. One theme is the role of recruitment and training on 'greenfield' sites in the remote locations where the mines are situated. This includes the issues, concerns and dilemmas which multinational mining companies face in trying to balance the employment expectations and training requirements of both local inhabitants and the PNG government. Attention is paid to explaining how multinational mining companies have overcome such pressures by introducing ethnic affirmative action policies which favours the employment of local inhabitants. The roles of the PNG government, mining companies, trade unions and community groups are highlighted in the operation of industrial employment relations in the mines. The general aim of the thesis is to demonstrate the emergence and interplay of pluralistic institutions and the formation of an industrial workforce as a result of the mining company. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

<abstract>Most literature on state-society relations in Indonesia assumes an overbearing and oppressive state. In this thesis, I argue that local communities can exert far more influence over state officials, and can be far more resistant to state control, than has previously been acknowledged. I critically analyse the idea of a state with extensive control by focusing on killings alleged sorcerers in a rural area in which I undertook fieldwork. Killings of 'sorcerers' occur when neighbours, family members, and friends believe that one among them is a sorcerer. They group together and, assisted by other local residents, kill the 'sorcerer'. Such killings have been occurring intermittently for at least the past half-century. These usually sporadic killings turned into an outbreak in 1998. The outbreak was precipitated by three factors, in particular: 1. An attempt by the district government to stop killings, which was seen to confirm the identity of sorcerers; 2. Local residents' understanding of the Indonesian reform movement (Reformasi) to incorporate violent attacks on 'sorcerers'; and, 3. The perceived slowness of the police and army response which was understood as tacitly permitting the killings. Local residents interpreted these factors as providing an 'opportunity' to attack 'sorcerers', accounting for around 100 deaths. Although the outbreak was triggered by national- and district-level events, the killings remained local; neighbours, family, and acquaintances of the victims undertook the killings. At this time, the New Order regime of President Soeharto?which scholars have tended to characterise as a state which exerted far-reaching control over society?had just collapsed. Nevertheless, violent actions against 'sorcerers' had occurred during the New Order period, even though they stood in contrast to the order and rule of law and the controlled use of violence that this regime promoted. In order to explain the persistence of anti-'sorcerer' actions, my original findings identify a significant weakness in central state control. Local state officials cannot, and, in many cases, do not want to, stop killings. These officials are connected by ties of locality and kinship to the overwhelming majority of local people, and believe that the 'sorcerer' is guilty. Instead of following demands of law and order from superiors, they are influenced by local communities. Local communities thus exert control over local state representatives, accounting for a breakdown of state control at the local level. This finding of strong community ties and limited state control calls for a reexamination of violence in Indonesia. Violence is usually portrayed as being perpetrated by an aggressive, culpable state on an innocent and passive society. In Banyuwangi, violence emanated from within communities and local state representatives were either unwilling or unable to control it. Eventually, a crackdown by non-local police and army forces brought the outbreak of killings to a halt. However, after these forces left, actions against 'sorcerers' resumed. By demonstrating that ties of locality and kinship undermine state attempts to control local community, I contribute to a revision of the image of an overbearing and violently repressive state in Indonesia.

Since at least the 1970s Australia has, as a nation, officially declared itself to be ‘multicultural’ and has adopted ‘multiculturalism’ as the approach to its increasingly culturally diverse population. Since then, multiculturalism in Australia, as elsewhere in the western world, has come under sustained critique by both those who think it has ‘gone too far’, and those who think it has ‘not gone far enough’. These critiques have left many wondering whether multiculturalism is still an appropriate and valuable response to cultural diversity for both governments/the state and the populations who contend with cultural diversity as part of their everyday lives. This study attempts to move beyond these critiques and proposes a local place-bound study as one way in which we might further our understandings of multiculturalism in the Australian context and capture some of the complexities elided by these nonetheless useful critiques. The study draws on both textual and ethnographic research material, and employs discursive and deconstructive techniques of analysis to achieve this. The population of the regional centre of Griffith in the Riverina region of New South Wales is culturally diverse. Griffith is located within Wiradjuri country and became home to large numbers of non-Indigenous people after the establishment of the Murrumbidgee Irrigation Scheme in the 1910s. It continues to be a destination of choice for immigrants, largely because of the availability of work, particularly in agricultural and related industries. The study reveals that in Griffith multiculturalism is generated, negotiated and performed at the local level, in and through the everyday lives of local people, as much as it is through government intervention. It is part of the lived experience of people in culturally diverse Griffith. The kind of multiculturalism they live can be seen to be positive, pervasive and dynamic and it is something that is deemed to be of great value. They have embraced the idea of multiculturalism and of their community as multicultural to the extent that it is an important part of how they see themselves. While Australian Federal Government conceptions of multiculturalism clearly inform local discourses, with all the limitations this can bring, the conservative understandings articulated federally are made redundant by local manifestations of multiculturalism in Griffith, where there is a desire to both foster and further multiculturalism. The case of Griffith suggests that there is hope for multiculturalism and that multiculturalism can still inform an ethical mode of engagement for people from diverse cultural and ethnic traditions. Australia, however, also has an Indigenous past and present and this continues to pose the ultimate challenge to and for multiculturalism, including in Griffith. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This thesis traces the evolution and emergence of the new-vice regal woman during a high point of the British Empire. The social, political and economic forces of the age, which transformed British society, presented different challenges and responsibilities for all women, not least those of the upper-class. Aristocratic women responded to these challenges in a distinctive manner when accompanying their husbands to the colonies and dominions as vice-regal consorts. In the last years of Queen Victoria’s reign a unique link was established between the monarchy and her female representatives throughout the Empire. The concept of the new vice-regal woman during the period 1884-1914 was explored through three case studies. The imperial stores of Lady Hariot Dufferin (1843-1936), Lady Ishbel Aberdeen (1857-1939), and Lady Rachel Dudley (c.1867-1920), establishes both the existence and importance of a new breed of vice-regal woman, one who was a modern, dynamic and pro-active imperialist. From 1884-1914 these three new vice-regal women pushed established boundaries and broke new ground. As a result, during their vice-regal lives, Ladies Dufferin, Aberdeen and Dudley initiated far reaching organisations in India, Ireland, Canada and / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)