This thesis investigates the symbolic universe of Paul's social world to interpret his slave metaphors in his letter to the Galatians. It adopts the approach to metaphor belonging to the 'New Rhetoric' of C. Perelman and L. Olbrechts- Tyteca, which not only deals with the formation of metaphors but also incorporates the formation process into the interpretive model for metaphors. This approach enables a nuanced account of the various argumentative functions of Paul's slave metaphors in Galatians. The findings are related to the question of Paul's own convictions regarding slavery as witnessed in Galatians 3.28. In order to interpret the process and meaning of Paul's slave metaphors, this study investigates the social context from which Paul formed his metaphors, namely Greco-Roman slavery in the first century. This context provides the better-known area of discourse (the 'phoros') under which aspect the lesser- known area is presented (the 'theme') in a metaphor (a fusion of theme and phoros). Galatians evidences three distinct slave metaphors, revolving around Paul as a 'slave' of Christ, the 'enslavement' threatened by Paul's 'opponents', and the manumission, adoption, and potential re-enslavement of his Galatian converts. The route from Paul's metaphors to his own convictions about slavery is indirect, but the latter will be of vital interest to contemporary readers. This thesis raises the question of Paul's convictions only after working carefully through the argumentative functions of Paul's metaphors. Raising the question in this way, one is able to provide a more circumspect answer than is sometimes found when this latter question is placed to the fore. In his letters, Paul's concerns are not those of the modern reader. Instead, he used what he could from his environment.

The consequences of using such complex tools as Logic and Mathematics, which are so ingrained in our own nature as thinking living organisms, to explain precisely that Nature in which we ourselves are imbedded, are disucssed from a new perspective. The interplay between the individual (subjective) world and the social (objective) world emerges with clarity under this light. Paradoxes, a nightmare for Logicians and Mathematicians, are returned to their cradle, the observer, where no hunt is set up to “solve" them. Though I am not alone in this endeavour to consider paradoxes from a different perspective, new insights into the nature of the living organization and the working of the nervous system allow today the opportunity to strengthen this revolutionary viewpoint. Several experiments performed on a multicomputer realization of organizationally closed (paradoxical) unities, suggest a nervous system where processes and descriptions are more fundamental concepts than time and space. While the consequences of this new approach remain still to be explored, a sensitive reader will already enjoy them.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This thesis traces the making of a social world of the musicking Cape through sound, which it calls sonic anticipation. Sonic anticipation is threaded through a Cape-based musicking milieu called goema in the Nineteenth century, and through the regional jazzing culture that emerged in Cape Town in the latter part of the Twentieth century. A key concern is to read the sonic archive of Cape music without folding into a representational discourse of (apartheid) group identity or of a Cape exceptionalism. First, the thesis explores goema's emergence as folk music. In a central example, sonic anticipation is discernible in the intensities of a song called Daar Kom die Alibama [translated as ‘There Comes the Alibama’]. This song enabled goema to secure a status as racialised folk memory. Later in the Twentieth century, the song set the scene for a rearticulation that laid claim to the city as a response to the 'anxious urbanity' of race formation. This shift from the Nineteenth to Twentieth century musicking tradition is at the heart of what we have come to know as Cape jazz. In its genealogical construction of Cape jazz, the thesis traces a prefigurative aesthetics and politics that proposes new ways of thinking about the political significance of jazz. It traces the pedagogic strategies that musicians – Tem Hawker, Winston Mankunku, Robbie Jansen and Alex van Heerden - used in pursuing ‘ethical individuation’ with this racialised folk memory. By the early 1960s, jazz had become a method ‘archive’ or formative canon for these musicians. The thesis outlines how musicians used ‘nomadic’ pedagogies; following the energies that moved through the city, inside the technological, and discursive formations by which the social world was made. This thesis on goema’s refrain and the musicking Cape offers a way to consider a ‘difference that is not apartheid’s difference’.

O paradigma de circularidade cultural entre a comunidade judaica e a sociedade romana foi construído pela historiografia através da análise do contato sociocultural e embates entre romanos e judeus que, ao longo da história, ocuparam o mesmo espaço em diversas regiões anexadas ao Império Romano. As relações de poder estabelecidas entre Roma e Jerusalém, após a ocupação da Judéia, apontam para uma hierarquização nas relações sociais, culturais e políticas entre romanos e judeus. O conceito de circularidade cultural de Carlo Ginzburg nos permite, a partir da trajetória de Flávio Josefo, identificar a dualidade no mundo social de Josefo, na qual, de um lado estavam as culturas dominantes (sociedade romana) e, do outro, as culturas subalternas (comunidades judaicas) que, apesar da marcação das diferenças, se influenciavam reciprocamente. / The paradigm of cultural circularity between the Jewish community and Roman society built by historiography through analysis of the cultural contact and clashes between Romans and Jews. They occupied same space in different regions of the Roman Empire. Power relations established between Rome and Jerusalem after the occupation of Judea indicate a hierarchy in social, cultural and political relations between Jews and Romans. The concept of cultural circularity of Carlo Ginzburg identifies a duality in the Josephus social world. The influence of dominant cultures (Roman society) and subordinate cultures (Jewish communities) was reciprocal.

O paradigma de circularidade cultural entre a comunidade judaica e a sociedade romana foi construído pela historiografia através da análise do contato sociocultural e embates entre romanos e judeus que, ao longo da história, ocuparam o mesmo espaço em diversas regiões anexadas ao Império Romano. As relações de poder estabelecidas entre Roma e Jerusalém, após a ocupação da Judéia, apontam para uma hierarquização nas relações sociais, culturais e políticas entre romanos e judeus. O conceito de circularidade cultural de Carlo Ginzburg nos permite, a partir da trajetória de Flávio Josefo, identificar a dualidade no mundo social de Josefo, na qual, de um lado estavam as culturas dominantes (sociedade romana) e, do outro, as culturas subalternas (comunidades judaicas) que, apesar da marcação das diferenças, se influenciavam reciprocamente. / The paradigm of cultural circularity between the Jewish community and Roman society built by historiography through analysis of the cultural contact and clashes between Romans and Jews. They occupied same space in different regions of the Roman Empire. Power relations established between Rome and Jerusalem after the occupation of Judea indicate a hierarchy in social, cultural and political relations between Jews and Romans. The concept of cultural circularity of Carlo Ginzburg identifies a duality in the Josephus social world. The influence of dominant cultures (Roman society) and subordinate cultures (Jewish communities) was reciprocal.

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In this explorative study internet dating is studied as shared commitment to a common collective activity. Focus is on social formative emotions and internet dating in the rhythm of everyday life. The study is based on an interactionist theory/method package related to grounded theory and situational analysis. Sixty-eight participants of a Swedish internet dating site have been interviewed by e-mail. Fifteen of these interviews were followed up by a second one. Internet dating mainly occurs during evenings at home. It is kept separate from other commitments in daily life, such as work, as collisions of activities might lead to emotional and tension-ridden situations. The essential social process involved in internet dating is searching for a future someone/something. This process is given strength by the future- and action-oriented emotion of hope of happiness. The future is represented in imagination by talk about sought for emotions. The internet daters want to end their commitment to internet dating, while the internet dating company, for economic reasons, wants them to continue with the activity. The internet daters learn to manage their spontaneous emotions; they learn not to show "too much" future-oriented emotions. Instead a "relaxed" attitude, based on the present, is encouraged among participants. The act of imagining and searching for a future someone/something is formalized and organized by means of internet dating sites. Emotions are thus being commercialized in the interest of the internet dating company.

Dans les démocraties occidentales, la remise en cause depuis la fin des années 1970 du rôle de l’État dans la régulation économique se traduit par diverses reconfigurations institutionnelles et l’apparition de nouveaux collectifs d’acteurs publics et privés. Cette recherche explore la fabrique des « plantes médicinales suisses », en tant que celles-ci deviennent l’objet de nouvelles pratiques gouvernementales et entrepreneuriales ayant comme objectif commun de préserver « l’intérêt national » face à une concurrence étrangère accrue. Elle se consacre ainsi à l’étude des différentes pratiques qui, dans un contexte de forte compétition internationale, composent et encadrent la fabrication et la commercialisation de produits de santé à base de plantes en Suisse.Basé sur une enquête ethnographique multisite menée pendant quatre ans et enrichie par l’analyse d’un corpus de sources iconographiques et écrites, ce travail vise à rendre compte des transformations et de la diversité des conceptions et des utilisations des plantes médicinales en Suisse, à partir des points de vue de divers professionnels et expert-e-s des administrations culturelles. Plus précisément, ce travail s’attache à restituer ces diverses conceptions et utilisations dans leurs dimensions politiques et transnationales mouvantes et particulières. Ainsi, cette recherche examine les « plantes médicinales suisses » en tant qu’elles sont au cœur de diverses réformes de politiques publiques (agricole, régionale, sanitaire, culturelle, commerciales et de l’innovation) qui témoignent à la fois de l’adaptation du droit suisse au normes européennes et internationales et de l’extension du droit fédéral. D’autre part, cette recherche contribue à mettre en lumière l’articulation complexe et dynamique entre les intérêts des coopératives de producteurs et des industries relatives aux « plantes médicinales suisses » d’une part, et l’« intérêt commun » d’autre part, articulation mobilisée tant par les gouvernements à l’échelle fédéral et cantonale que par les industries pharmaceutiques, cosmétiques, alimentaires et touristiques, locales et nationales. Ainsi, c’est à travers la création discursive et symbolique d’une communauté de destin entre le secteur privé des plantes médicinales et la population nationale, qu’il faut comprendre la consécration par les administrations culturelles cantonales et fédérales de certains usages économiques de plantes médicinales en tant que « patrimoine culturel immatériel » (ci-après PCI) d’importance nationale. En effet, l’analyse détaillée de la mise en œuvre de la Convention pour la sauvegarde du patrimoine culturel immatériel de l’Unesco met non seulement en évidence comment le recours à des formulaires standardisés d’inscription pour l’inventaire du PCI en Suisse invisibilise les rapports de force, les enjeux et les controverses entourant la fabrication et la commercialisation des produits à base de plantes, mais aussi comment cet inventaire produit des images épurées des pratiques qui y sont inscrites. Ces images sont dès lors mobilisées par les acteurs gouvernementaux comme instrument de relations publiques afin de susciter d’une part un sentiment de fierté parmi la population locale et/ou nationale et de promouvoir d’autre part l’image à l’étranger d’une Suisse attrayante, ouverte, respectueuse de l’environnement et démocratiquement exemplaire, image qui favorise l’économie nationale par l’afflux d’investissements étrangers, de main-d’œuvre qualifiée et de touristes en direction de la Suisse. / In Western democracies, the questioning of the role of the state in economic regulation since the late 1970s has resulted in various institutional reconfigurations and the emergence of new groups of public and private actors. This research explores the production of “Swiss medicinal herbs”, as these become the object of new governmental and entrepreneurial practices aiming to preserve “the national interest” in the face of increased foreign competition. It inquires into the various practices which compose and frame the production and the marketing of herbal health products in Switzerland in a context of economic liberalization.Based on four years of multi-sited ethnographic fieldwork, enriched by the analysis of iconographic and written sources, this work aims to account for the diversity of conceptions and uses of medicinal herbs in Switzerland, and to examine the transformations they underwent over the course of the twentieth century. It does so from the points of view of diverse professionals and experts of cultural administrations. Paying particular attention to the political and transnational dimensions, this study foregrounds how “Swiss medicinal herbs” have been at the heart of various public policy reforms (agricultural, regional, sanitary, cultural, trade and innovation) reflecting adaptations of Swiss law to European and international standards and the extension of federal law.Secondly, this research sheds light on the complex and dynamic articulation between, on the one hand, the interests of producers’ cooperatives and the “Swiss medicinal herbs” industries, and, on the one hand, the construct of a “common interest”. This articulation is mobilized by federal and cantonal governments as well as by local and national pharmaceutical, cosmetic, food and tourism industries. The discursive und symbolic creation of a common destiny between the private sector of medicinal herbs and the national population is key to understanding the consecration, by the cantonal and federal cultural administrations, of certain economic uses of medicinal herbs as “intangible cultural heritage” (hereinafter ICH). Indeed, the detailed analysis of the implementation of the Unesco Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage brings to light not only how the use of standardized application forms for the ICH inventory in Switzerland renders invisible power relations, challenges and controversies surrounding the production and the marketing of herbal products. It also shows how this inventory produces purified images of the practices listed therein. These images are subsequently mobilized by state actors as an instrument of public relations to arouse a feeling of pride among the local and/or national population, and to promote abroad the image of an attractive, open, eco-friendly and democratically exemplary Switzerland.

Cette recherche pose une question simple : Qui fait quoi dans le journal ? Nous y répondons partiellement en nous focalisant sur un domaine spécifique du continuum de fabrication de l’information : le prépresse. Il s’agit du moment où l’information fournie par les journalistes rédacteurs est matérialisée, dessinée par les journalistes secrétaires de rédaction (SR) dans les pages du quotidien. Cet espace nous permet de mettre en avant un collectif singulier dans le journal. Car jusqu’à la fin des années 1990 et la numérisation totale de la chaine de fabrication des quotidiens, les SR ne sont pas seuls responsables du prépresse, ils coopèrent quotidiennement avec des ouvriers : les typographes. Ainsi, SR et typographes « font » le journal ensemble. Or, nous considérons que ces gens sont à ce qu’ils font de manière distincte, et par conséquent nous nous attachons à décrire qui fait quoi comment. C’est-à-dire que nous observons ce qui est à faire – le journal – en étant attentif à la manière dont journalistes et ouvriers se lient ou non pour y parvenir. Cette étude de qui fait quoi comment dans le journal se décline en trois temps. Nous tentons tout d’abord de comprendre De quoi est fait le monde des typographes (1) : Quels sont leurs appuis pour composer leur goût pour être à ce qu’ils font ? Dans quoi peuvent-ils puiser pour être typographes comme ils l’entendent ? Nous nous demandons ensuite, de la même manière, De quoi est fait le monde des SR (2) ? Quel est l’équipement des SR pour composer leur monde ? Dans quels scripts peuvent-ils puiser pour être SR au mieux des possibles ? Ce parallèle entre ces journalistes particuliers et ces ouvriers pas comme les autres nous amène à élaborer le troisième volet de ce travail : SR et typographes composent-ils un monde commun (3) ? Il s’agit de déterminer si les frottements continus de ces deux manières d’être au monde partagent certains attachements. Nous présentons quelques exemples qui suggèrent qu’un monde commun a pu exister à certaines époques et de manière non linéaire, entre SR et typographes. À partir de notre terrain, nous débusquons des parcelles de ce monde commun grâce à un médiateur spécifique : la maquette du journal.Finalement, en décrivant qui fait quoi comment dans le journal via ce qui se passe à l’interface de sa matérialité, nous découvrons un objet collectif travaillé par un grand nombre de gens et de choses. Chaque jour, le journal est suffisamment flexible pour que s’y expriment différentes présences au monde, et suffisamment solide pour (con)tenir l’expression de son énonciation collective. / To the simple question Who does what in a newspaper? this study – partially – answers by focusing on a particular aspect of the continuum of information production: the prepress – where the information provided by journalists is laid out and designed by sub-editors. This approach enables us to shed light on a unique collective of the newspaper. Indeed, until the end of the 90’s and the generalization of digitalization in the production lines of daily newspapers, sub-editors share their responsibilities and collaborate on a daily basis with a particular type of blue-collar workers: the typographers. In our opinion, sub-editors and typographers make the newspaper together, and in their own respective ways. How? What is there to do to make a newspaper, and how do – or don’t – journalists and blue-collars bind themselves to achieve their common goal?Our analysis of Who does what and how in a newspaper is divided into three parts. In a first part we describe The world of typographers (1). What supports do they lean on to work with their taste? What resources do they draw on to display their skills? In a similar way, in a second part we analyze The world of sub-editors (2). What is it made out of? What scripts do sub-editors turn to to perform at their best? A third part is dedicated to establishing parallels between these two distinctive worlds, wondering Do sub-editors and typographers form a common world (3)? Do these two ever-connected worlds share common bonds? The examples we present suggest that common worlds have existed at certain times and in non-linear ways. Our fieldwork provides us with fragments of this common world within a specific mediator: the layout.The description of who does what and how in a newspaper via what takes place at the crossroads of its material form enables us to reveal a collective object elaborated by a number of different people and things. Every day, newspapers are flexible enough to allow different perceptions to express themselves, and rigid enough to carry a collective formulation.