Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

The aim of this thesis is to compare efforts of Eritrea and Somaliland to obtain independence and to find out why Eritrea was in independence obtaining succesful and Somaliland not. Chapter 1 offers a basic theoretical background concerning a question of international law and formation of a state. Based on basic international law documents regarding this topic it describes crucial terms and principles. Further it discusses a question of secession justifiability and it concerns also application of theoretical principles in reality. Chapter 2 includes basic geographical information and ethnical characteristics of population of both regions. Chapter 3 briefly describes history of both states from their emergence up to the beginning of fifties of the last century. The aim of this chapter is to describe international and internal influences which formed uniqueness of both regions within parent states which later supported the efforts to obtain independence. Chapter 4 is devoted to a concrete description of both areas' efforts to obtain independence in the second half of 20th century. It focuses mainly on international negotiations regarding future of both countries, formation and development of independence movements and the concrete course of independence declaration. Chapter 5 evaluates the course and results of independence struggle in both countries.

This thesis offers an explanation for why urban settlement in Somaliland's capital city of Hargeisa is segregated along clan lines. The topic of urban segregation has been neglected in both classic Somali studies, and recent studies of post-war state-building and governance in Somaliland. Such negligence of urban governance in debates over state-making stems from a predominant focus on national and regional levels, which overlooks the institutions governing cities. Yet urban governance can provide key insights into the nature and quality of interaction between people and the local state, and the processes of making and unmaking of Somali urban spaces. Given the rapid urban growth in the Somali populated territories, I propose a shift in focus to explore city spaces, as a means of deepening understanding of Somali social, political and spatial organisation. In advancing this proposed shift, the thesis scrutinises the nexus between governance and segregation in Hargeisa, drawing on urban ethnographic methods, interview and archival sources. I argue that segregation in the city can be understood as the spatial manifestation of governance practices across colonial and postcolonial periods, in intersection with bottom up processes, particularly the quest for security and peacebuilding in what is largely characterised as a hybrid order. The concept of hybrid governance – while capturing important aspects of control over city space - is often insufficiently historicised and politicised to convey the complex intersection of state institutions, clan and sub-clan allegiance and traditional authorities. My analysis thus situates recent urban governance and conflicts over land in a longer history of municipal governance, urban land administration and conflict adjudication. This historical perspective is important for the understanding of how segregation has been reproduced over time, and adds a new dimension to the understandings of the drivers and dynamics of Hargeisa's spatial character.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att med utgångspunkt i de diskurser politiskt aktiva personer i Somaliland beskriver studera hur internationella möten påverkar dessa individers välbefinnande utifrån ett pedagogiskt perspektiv. Baserat på dessa diskurser kan studien bidra till en bredare förståelse kring hur kopplingen mellan pedagogik och välbefinnande i internationella samarbeten ser ut och är därför av värde att studera. Frågeställningar som är kopplat till syftet är följande: Vilka faktorer, tolkat utifrån diskurserna, bör internationella möten bygga på för att välbefinnande hos mötesdeltagarna ska uppstå? Utifrån diskurserna, hur bör deltagarna i internationella möten agera utifrån ett pedagogiskt perspektiv för att välbefinnande inom mötesgruppen ska uppstå? Undersökningen i den här studien är av det kvalitiva slaget och bygger på semi-strukturerade intervjuer med öppna frågor. Urvalsgruppen bestod av sex politiskt aktiva personer från Somaliland som är deltagande inom internationella samarbeten. Intervjuerna har analyserats med hjälp av en kvalitativ innehållsanalys och delas upp i olika teman som i detta fall är de diskurser som uppstått. Dessa teman synliggjordes i resultatet som diskurserna status och makt, socialt samspel, kommunikation och interaktion. Resultatet analyserades med hjälp av fyra teorier: Empowerment har uitgångspunkten att varken individer eller samhälle kan uppnå en god hälsa/folkhälsa utan själva kontrollera och styra över de förhållanden som bestämmer över vår hälsa. Samarbetshälsa är en term benämner hur sociala och känslomässiga reaktioner uppstår i interaktion och samarbete med andra. Det sociokulturella perspektivet behandlar hur människor samspelar med varandra redan i början av livet. Rollteorin handlar om hur människors beteenden styrs i sociala sammanhang av olika former av roller som bestäms av individens uppfattningar. Av analysen av resultatet kunde tre stycken grundteman hittas som utgjorde diskurserna och dessa var Status och makt, Socialt samspel, samt Kommunikation och Interaktion. Resultatet visar att informanterna utifrån deras diskurs anser att känsla av egenmakt är av stor betydelse för välbefinnandet. Att samtidigt vara bidragande till utveckling ansågs också vara en punkt för ökat välbefinnande. Resultatet visar en tydlig positiv inverkan av att bidra på den internationella arenan och många informanter talar om respekt och öppen kommunikation som vägen till ett demokratiskt och jämnt fördelande i mötena. Diskurserna visade även att skapandet av goda relationer mellan deltagare i internationella samarbeten kan leda till vänskap vilket är något som informanterna vill uppnå och som i sin tur kan leda till välbefinnande.

No description available.

Thesis (M.A.)--Boston University / As the title of this thesis indicates, this work deals with the former Italian Colonies during the period of 1945-50. Economically speaking all three territories are of little value. Their importance lies in the strategic position they occupy. All three, Eritrea, Libya except for the Fezzan, and Italian Somaliland came under British Military Administration on or before 1943. In 1945 the Council of Foreign Ministers took up the problem, but due to disagreement among the Big Four (United Kingdom, United States of America, France and the Soviet Union), and due to the many and sometimes unfounded claims of some other nations, the problem of the Italian Colonies defied solution. Despite the initial failure, the Council of Foreign Ministers did not give up hope, but instead it kept on working on the problem till 1947 when the Big Four powers, in the Treaty of Peace with Italy, made the latter country renounce all rights and claims to its former possessions in Africa and at the same time agreed to hand over the problem to the United Nations General Assembly in case of failure to agree among themselves within one year of the coming into force of the Treaty of Peace with Italy. [TRUNCATED]

Thèse--Geneva. / At head of title: Institut universitaire de hautes études internationales. Bibliography: p. [265]-270.

This paper aims to inquire whether Somaliland’s secession from Somalia is morally right considering Buchanans theories regarding secession. The paper analyses the notion of self-determination and secession from the perspective of Somaliland. Further the analysis also discusses the deficiencies when it comes to international law and secession. The analysis also inquires regarding the insubstantial criteria for the right to secede and the unwillingness from the outside world to shed light on the case of Somaliland. The material for this paper consists mainly of literature, published work and research from political scholars. The paper concludes that Somaliland does in fact have a moral right for secession and formal statehood. However, the absence of a negotiating partner (Somalia) and geopolitical location suppresses the chances for international recognition.

No description available.