A spatial hedonic model was constructed for a lakefront golf course community in South Carolina. Geographic information system (GIS) analysis classified 589 vacant lots into eight different view categories including golf course, mountain, and lake views. The OLS results confirm a hierarchy in the pricing of views with premiums ranging from 42% to 54% for golf course views, 94% to 133% for lake views, and 131 %to 305% for lakefront lots. Spatial variables including the slope of a lot, length of shoreline, and proximity to the lakeside village were also found to be statistically significant variables influencing the value of the property. Other spatial variables were found to be statistically insignificant including view aspect and length of golf course frontage. Tests for spatial autocorrelation were conducted for the 589 properties utilizing spatial lag and spatial error models. Both spatial models were statistically superior compared to the original OLS model. The diagnostic tools indicate that the modeling of the spatial errors using a maximum likelihood framework produces a statistically significant model that improves goodness-of-fit indicators compared to an alternative spatial lag model. These results confirm the importance of modeling spatial errors. The period of study, from 2000 to 2010, was a decade of turbulence in the real estate market on Lake Keowee. The empirical evidence indicates the emergence of a speculative bubble that reached its crescendo in 2005/2006 with median real estate prices doubling in a five year period. This study examines the role of launch marketing tactics as a price amplifier by creating an urgency to buy in response to a systematic increase in property prices and simultaneously limiting supply by restricting lot sales to 30% of reservations. Finally, the study illustrates that the construction of golf courses is no panacea to the problems confronting today's residential real estate developers. The results suggest that communities based on waterfront properties may have greater potential price growth in strong markets and resiliency in weak markets. Further research is warranted to understand the changing role of golf courses in the 21st century.

<p>In 1760, when British victory was all but assured and hostilities in the northeastern colonies of North America came to an end, the future of the southeastern colonies was not nearly so clear. British authorities in the South still faced the possibility of a local French and Indian alliance and clashed with angry Cherokees who had complaints of their own. These tensions and events usually take a back seat to the climactic proceedings further north. I argue that in South Carolina, by destabilizing relations with African and Native Americans, the Cherokee Indians raised the social and political anxieties of coastal elites to a fever pitch during the Anglo-Cherokee War. Threatened by Indians from without and by slaves from within, and failing to find unbridled support in British policy, the planter-merchant class eventually sought to take matters into its own hands. Scholars have long understood the way the economic fallout of the French and Indian War caused Britain to press new financial levies on American colonists. But they have not understood the deeper consequences of the war on the local stage. Using extensive political and military correspondence, ethnography, and eighteenth-century newspapers, I offer a narrative-driven approach that adds geographic and ethnographic breadth and context to previous scholarship on mid-eighteenth century in North America. I expand understandings of Cherokee culture, British and colonial Indian policy, race slavery, and the southeastern frontier. At the same time, I also explain the origins of the American Revolution in the South.</p> / Dissertation

The major problem of this study is to identify through the use of the Critical Incident Technique the main requirements for successful ministerial service in the South Carolina Annual Conference of the Methodist Church, insofar as these requirements can be determined through lay observations and judgments. The following sub-problems are closely related to the major problem: 1. What special demands are made upon the minister by special subgroups within the church--e.g., youth, women's groups--in regard to pastoral behavior? 2. How important are the roles assigned to the minister by the church itself--e.g., preacher, teacher, counselor, visitor, administrator, priest? 3. Do churches of varying sizes differ in their expectations of the Ministerial office--e.g., do large churches place greater emphasis upon preaching? 4. Does educational training and/or the salary of the minister correlate with the number of successful incidents reported by respondents?

No description available.

The purposes of this study were to determine the adequacy of teacher supply and to identify teacher recruitment practices used in large and small school districts in six southeastern states and to elicit from respondents ratings of the importance and effectiveness of the various teacher recruitment practices. A population of 362 small and large school districts in 6 states, Florida, Georgia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Tennessee, and Virginia, was surveyed in the late summer and fall of 1991. The return rate was 50.27%. The survey instrument had been developed by Roger L. Nall and was revised by the researcher. A pilot study and review by a panel of experts were conducted. Thirty-five null hypotheses were formulated. Seventeen were retained and 11 were rejected. Seven were complex and were evaluated item by item. Statistical tests used included the t-test for independent means, the chi-square, and the Komolgorov-Smirnov two sample test. Data were analyzed in terms of relationships to three dichotomous variables: district size, small or large; location, rural or urban; and district experience with teacher supply and demand, teacher shortage or no shortage. Districts responding to the survey were using a variety of teacher recruitment practices. Significant differences were found between districts when grouped by the three dichotomous variables in the use of specific teacher recruitment practices and the number of recruitment practices used. Large districts and urban districts made greater use of recruitment practices that covered a broader geographic area and of long-range solutions to shortage conditions. Small districts and rural districts made greater use of internal posting of vacancies and general reliance upon in-state contacts. A total of 53 recruitment practices in use in 2 or more districts were identified. A list of 36 recruitment practices regarded as most effective was developed. Districts responding to the survey were experiencing teacher shortage conditions, with 51.9% of urban and 50% of rural districts and 47.2% of small and 56.8% of large districts citing teacher shortage conditions. Specific subject or endorsement areas in which teacher shortage conditions existed were identified.

Because of increasing frequency of bear sightings, vehicle collisions, and nuisance incidents in coastal South Carolina, the South Carolina Department of Natural Resources is developing a comprehensive black bear management plan. However, no reliable estimates of population abundance or density are available. I used genotypes of black bears determined from hair samples collected in Lewis Ocean Bay and Carvers Bay to estimate population abundance and density. I obtained hair samples from snares during 8 weekly sampling periods in 2008 and 2009. I used Huggins closed population models to estimate abundance and spatially explicit capture- recapture models to estimate density. Based on model averaging, black bear abundance was 30 (SE = 9.3) on Carvers Bay and 42 (SE = 5.4) on Lewis Ocean Bay. Model-averaged density was 0.037 bears/km2 (SE = 0.003) for Carvers Bay. For Lewis Ocean Bay, population densities were much higher: 0.307 bears/km2 (SE = 0.025). I extrapolated the density estimates to the upper coastal region of South Carolina, using logistic regression to weight density based on similarity of the regional landscape with the 2 study areas. Predicted bear densities were low throughout the coastal region but several areas centered on more productive habitats (e.g., Carolina Bays, pocosin) and public lands (e.g., Francis Marion National Forest, Lewis Ocean Bay) had high densities. I also sampled an area in North Carolina and assessed genetic structure among the 3 areas. Based on heterozygosity, genetic distance, and genetic assignment, I found no evidence of historic or recent barriers to gene exchange among the 3 sampled populations. However, demographic connectivity may be a concern for areas such as Lewis Ocean Bay, which is surrounded by highways and development. If the goal is to maintain current black bear densities in those areas, maintaining connectivity with other habitat areas and mitigating impacts of highways would be important. The regional map of potential black bear density may be useful to identify areas that should be surveyed for occupancy or where additional studies may be conducted (e.g., Francis Marion National Forest).

While the textile mill and the textile mill village were once prominent features of the landscape of the American South, textile mills are rapidly falling into disuse. Because the mill village housing stocks were sold by owners of the mills to their employees in the 1950s and 1960s, the fate of the mill villages was, in part, divorced from the fate of the textile industry. This thesis demonstrates that mill villages are not abandoned after plant closures and explains why residents remain. This is achieved through a history of South Carolina’s mill villages, a quantitative analysis of Spartanburg County, South Carolina’s mill village housing stock, and the case of Piedmont, South Carolina. The study concludes that the mill villages of Upstate South Carolina became bedroom communities rather than ghost towns.

While the textile mill and the textile mill village were once prominent features of the landscape of the American South, textile mills are rapidly falling into disuse. Because the mill village housing stocks were sold by owners of the mills to their employees in the 1950s and 1960s, the fate of the mill villages was, in part, divorced from the fate of the textile industry. This thesis demonstrates that mill villages are not abandoned after plant closures and explains why residents remain. This is achieved through a history of South Carolina’s mill villages, a quantitative analysis of Spartanburg County, South Carolina’s mill village housing stock, and the case of Piedmont, South Carolina. The study concludes that the mill villages of Upstate South Carolina became bedroom communities rather than ghost towns.

Because of increasing frequency of bear sightings, vehicle collisions, and nuisance incidents in coastal South Carolina, the South Carolina Department of Natural Resources is developing a comprehensive black bear management plan. However, no reliable estimates of population abundance or density are available. I used genotypes of black bears determined from hair samples collected in Lewis Ocean Bay and Carvers Bay to estimate population abundance and density. I obtained hair samples from snares during 8 weekly sampling periods in 2008 and 2009. I used Huggins closed population models to estimate abundance and spatially explicit capture- recapture models to estimate density. Based on model averaging, black bear abundance was 30 (SE = 9.3) on Carvers Bay and 42 (SE = 5.4) on Lewis Ocean Bay. Model-averaged density was 0.037 bears/km2 (SE = 0.003) for Carvers Bay. For Lewis Ocean Bay, population densities were much higher: 0.307 bears/km2 (SE = 0.025). I extrapolated the density estimates to the upper coastal region of South Carolina, using logistic regression to weight density based on similarity of the regional landscape with the 2 study areas. Predicted bear densities were low throughout the coastal region but several areas centered on more productive habitats (e.g., Carolina Bays, pocosin) and public lands (e.g., Francis Marion National Forest, Lewis Ocean Bay) had high densities. I also sampled an area in North Carolina and assessed genetic structure among the 3 areas. Based on heterozygosity, genetic distance, and genetic assignment, I found no evidence of historic or recent barriers to gene exchange among the 3 sampled populations. However, demographic connectivity may be a concern for areas such as Lewis Ocean Bay, which is surrounded by highways and development. If the goal is to maintain current black bear densities in those areas, maintaining connectivity with other habitat areas and mitigating impacts of highways would be important. The regional map of potential black bear density may be useful to identify areas that should be surveyed for occupancy or where additional studies may be conducted (e.g., Francis Marion National Forest).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Ohio University, June, 2009. / Title from PDF t.p. Release of full electronic text on OhioLINK has been delayed until June 1, 2014. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 260-274)