The diploma thesis deals with a variant solution of the Southwest Bypass of Havlíčkův Brod in the form of a search study. The work aims to find suitable variants of connecting roads I / 34 and I / 38 by the bypass of the village Šmolovy and the town Havlíčkův Brod. The design category of the bypass is S 9.5 / 90. The diploma thesis includes the elaboration of two variant solutions - the northern and southern variants of the Southwest Bypass of Havlíčkův Brod. At the same time, the work deals with the design of modifications and relocations of roads and paths affected by the northern variant of the SW of the Havlíčkův Brod bypass.

This thesis examines the relevancy of south-west portals with regards to their potential usage in post-burial ritual activity with particular focus on the deposition of sacrificial offerings. South-west portals are a type of stone constructions found on the edges of mounds and stone settings in eastern central Sweden usually dating to the Viking Age (c. 750-1100 CE). As many as possible of all excavated south-west portals are accounted for. The find materials in south-west portals as well as their accessibility are assessed in accordance with the reasoning that long-term grave cult would result in repeated sacrificial depositions and that the portals would have had to have been accessible for such sacrifices to have been conducted. There is no clear evidence of south-west portals having been used for deliberate sacrificial depositions. Some portals would have been inaccessible and most non-funerary find assemblages were likely non-deliberate or at least nonindicative of repeated sacrifices. South-west portals were likely more relevant in funerary rites of passage or potentially odd instances of necromancy rather than in sacrifices connected to ancestor worship. / Denna avhandling undersöker relevansen av sydvästportar med avseende på deras potentiella användning i rituella aktiviteter efter begravningen med särskilt fokus på deponering av offergåvor. Sydvästportar är en typ av stenkonstruktioner som förekommer på kanterna av högar och stensättningar i östra Mellansverige, vanligtvis daterade till vikingatiden (ca 750-1100 e.v.t.). Så många som möjligt av alla utgrävda sydvästportar redovisas. Fyndmaterialet i sydvästportar samt deras tillgänglighet bedöms utifrån resonemanget att långvarig gravkult skulle resultera i upprepade offerdepositioner och att portarna skulle ha behövt vara tillgängliga för sådana offer att genomföras. Det finns inga tydliga bevis för att sydvästportar har använts för avsiktliga offerdepositioner. Vissa portar skulle ha varit otillgängliga och de fyndmaterialansamlingar som inte var gravar var sannolikt oavsiktliga eller åtminstone icke indikativa på upprepade offerriter. Sydvästportar var sannolikt mer relevanta i begravningsriter eller potentiellt udda fall av nekromanti snarare än i offer kopplade till förfädersdyrkan.

Several documents have been presented outlining the methods incorporated by large multinational corporations in their plant location process. These methods contribute to our knowledge of how companies choose a location in which to locate a manufacturing operation. The role of the region or municipality in preparing an appropriate atmosphere to coordinate with an industry's specific requirements has not been widely examined. The objective of this research paper is to examine the role played by the Town of Ingersoll, Township of South-West Oxford and County of Oxford in Southwestern Ontario in preparing a suitable land, infrastructure and zoning regulations package to facilitate the requirement for a joint General Motors and Suzuki automotive assembly plant. The results obtained from this research paper will aid in the awareness of the actions that occur to aid such a large industrial and economic expansions within a small agricultural society. / Thesis / Bachelor of Arts (BA)

Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt einerseits überblicksartig, gleichzeitig aber auch ins Detail gehend, vor allem die kartographische Entwicklung von Namibia von den Anfängen im 18. Jh. bis zur Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1990. Dabei werden neben der eigentlichen Kartographie auch die wichtigsten damit im Zusammenhang stehenden Entwicklungen der Forschungsreisen, des Vermessungswesens, der allgemeinen Verwaltung des Landes und der Organisation des Karten- und Vermessungswesens im Gebiet des heutigen Namibia, im Deutschen Reich und in Südafrika dargestellt. Diese Ausweitung des Themas erwies sich als notwendig, um die Hintergründe und das geschichtliche und politische Umfeld mancher kartographischen Entwicklung deutlich und verständlich machen zu können. Damit liegt erstmals eine umfassende Dokumentation über die Kartographie von Namibia vor. Die Gliederung der Arbeit in die drei großen Zeitabschnitte der vorkolonialen, der deutschen Kolonial- und der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit ermöglicht die genaue Differenzierung von politischen und verwaltungstechnischen Abhängigkeiten bei der Kartenherstellung. Allerdings muss auch berücksichtigt werden, dass unterschiedliche Entwicklungsstadien nicht nur vom Herrschaftsträger abhängig waren. Der Vergleich zu anderen Kolonien des südlichen und zentralen Afrika, aber auch der weiterreichende Blick auf alle europäischen Afrikakolonien zeigt, dass Fortschritte im jeweiligen Karten- und Vermessungswesen neben der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wertschätzung der Kolonie und der Macht des Mutterlandes (Deutschland, Portugal, Großbritannien, Frankreich) vor allem auch von der Größe, der Lage, der sehr verschiedenartigen Natur und dem Klima des entsprechenden Gebietes bestimmt wurden. Im Gegensatz zu der relativ langsamen, aber kontinuierlichen Entwicklung der Vermessungsmethoden und der kartographischen Darstellung in Europa sind in den Kolonien eher ruckartige Veränderungen zu verzeichnen, die mit dem Import der europäischen Methoden und Instrumente in infrastrukturell unterentwickelte Gebiete einhergingen. Die Entwicklung afrikanischer und im Besonderen südwestafrikanischer Karten zeigt drei Phasen: Zunächst erfolgte die Aufnahme der Küsten während der Entdeckungsreisen des 15. und 16. Jhs. und durch spezielle Forschungsreisen vor allem im 17. und beginnenden 18. Jh. Die Erforschung und kartographische Darstellung des Landesinnern begann dagegen zögernd erst Ende des 18. und Anfang des 19. Jhs. In SWA ist der Grund dafür vor allem in den schlechten Zugangsmöglichkeiten auf Grund der Wüstengebiete zu suchen. Träger dieser Aufnahmen waren hauptsächlich Missionare und Forschungsreisende. Innerhalb der nächsten 100 Jahre konnte in Südwestafrika ein grobes topographisches Grundwissen aufgebaut werden, das zur Orientierung im Land meist ausreichte. Mit der Eroberung Afrikas durch europäische Kolonialmächte Ende des 19. Jhs. begann die dritte Phase. Diese war in Südwestafrika durch die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft bestimmt und ist vor allem geprägt durch die Suche nach geeigneten Aufnahmemethoden und Darstellungswegen, um die riesigen, teilweise menschenleeren Gegenden in wirtschaftlich verantwortbarer, aber auch militärisch und verwaltungstechnisch nutzbarer Form kartographisch darzustellen. Ihren Höhepunkt erreicht diese Phase jedoch erst nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, in Südwestafrika sogar erst in den 1970er Jahren mit dem Einsatz moderner Aufnahmetechniken. In gleichen Phasen vollzog sich auch der Übergang von Kontinentkarten über lineare Routenaufnahmen mit stark wechselnden Maßstäben hin zu flächendeckenden topographischen Abbildungen. Mit diesen Veränderungen war auch eine Wandlung des Aussagewertes der Karten verbunden. Wie in Europa war die Kartenherstellung in Südwestafrika seit 1904 vor allem durch das Militär und dessen Bedürfnisse geprägt. Damit besaß das Land gegenüber den anderen deutschen Afrikakolonien eine Sonderstellung. Im Gegensatz zu den anderen deutschen Kolonien, aber in Anlehnung an das landschaftlich und klimatisch vergleichbare Südafrika wurde seit dem Hererokrieg 1904 eine großzügige und möglichst flächendeckende geodätische Vermessung durch Triangulation durchgeführt. Dagegen lagen die Katastervermessung und alle damit in Zusammenhang stehenden Arbeiten wie im Deutschen Reich in den Händen der zivilen Behörden. Allerdings war die Trennung der Aufgaben, bedingt durch die alleinige Zuständigkeit der Zivilverwaltung für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsangelegenheiten in Südwestafrika vor 1904, nicht ganz so deutlich wie im Deutschen Reich. Die dadurch bedingten regelmäßigen Kompetenzstreitigkeiten und die mangelnde Anerkennung der Arbeiten der Gegenseite verursachten die Behinderung zügiger Fortschritte in der Kartenherstellung sowie erhebliche zusätzliche Kosten. Die Koordinierung und Organisation der Arbeiten in Südwestafrika während der deutschen Kolonialzeit zeigt deutliche Mängel. Trotzdem kann das kartographisch Erreichte als positiv bewertet werden. Natürlich können aus heutiger Perspektive verschiedene Entscheidungen und Vorgehensweisen kritisiert werden. Für die damalige Zeit, die vorhandenen Mittel, Instrumente und Methoden, die Anzahl des Personals und im Wissen um die infrastrukturellen und Lebensbedingungen sind die erzielten Ergebnisse, ob das die Einzelkarten, räumlich definierte Kartenwerke oder solche des ganzen Landes betrifft, eine große Leistung. Das zeigt sich umso mehr im Vergleich zu den Nachbarstaaten, von denen beim Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges keines so zahlreiche und gute Kartenmaterialien vorweisen konnte. Aber auch während der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit seit 1920 waren die Kompetenzen und Zuständigkeiten nicht eindeutig geregelt. Zunächst besaß Südwestafrika eine Sonderstellung gegenüber den Provinzen der Südafrikanischen Union, indem das Vermessungsamt in Windhuk für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsarbeiten des Landes zuständig war. Damit war das Mandatsgebiet in gewisser Weise aber auch von den methodischen und technischen Fortschritten, vor allem des Trigsurvey, abgekoppelt. Andererseits nutzte man diese Unabhängigkeit in Windhuk für eigene Wege, vor allem beim Druck der Karten in Southampton. Spätestens seit dem Beginn der Herstellung der landesweiten Kartenwerke in den Maßstäben 1:50 000, 1:250 000 und kleiner in den 1960er Jahren wurden die kartographischen Arbeiten dann aber von Südafrika bestimmt und kontrolliert. Trotz dieser Probleme lässt sich sowohl für die deutsche Kolonialzeit als auch für die südafrikanische Mandatszeit eine Vielzahl guter und von unterschiedlichen Autoren stammender Karten als Einzelwerke, als Beilage zu diversen Berichten oder als Kartenwerke feststellen. Flächendeckende Triangulationen stellen daneben eine bedeutende Entwicklung für die lagerichtige Wiedergabe der Topographie auf der Karte dar. Dass die deutsche Kolonialzeit in der vorliegenden Arbeit ein starkes Übergewicht gegenüber den anderen beiden Zeitabschnitten aufweist, liegt auch an den zahlreichen Aktivitäten und Produkten dieser Zeit, vor allem aber an der Quellenlage, die für die Zeit zwischen 1890 und 1915 qualitativ und quantitativ wesentlich umfangreicher ist, als beispielsweise für die Zeit nach 1920. / This work gives an overview over the cartographic development of Namibia from the beginnings in the early 18th century up to the independence of the country in 1990. At the same time there is also a detailed view to the cartography, the maps and map series possible. Besides the most important developments of the large expeditions, the surveying, the general administration and the organization of the surveying and mapping in the area of today’s Namibia are shown. Additionally also the most important developments of surveying and mapping in the German Empire and in South Africa are presented because of there relevance for some historical and political decisions in relation to the surveying and mapping of Namibia. For the first time this work presents a comprehensive documentation about the cartography and the map-products of Namibia. Such a work does not exist for any of the neighbour countries in Southern Africa. The work is structured into three main periods, the Precolonial time up to 1884, the time of the German colony German South West Africa between 1884 and 1915/20 and the time of the South African mandatory power between 1920 and 1990. These periods allow to show in detail the different political and administrative obediences for the map making. But not only the colonial power (Germany, Great Britain, France, Portugal) is responsible for different developments. In comparison especially with other countries of Southern Africa but also with countries all over Africa it could be shown that advances in surveying and mapping also depend on the dimension, the location, the different nature, relief and the climate of an area. In contrast to the mostly slow but continuous development of the surveying methods and the cartographic design in Europe the colonies show steplike changes. This is because of the import of the European methods and instruments into areas with very low infrastructure. The development of the South West African cartography shows three main phases. During the age of discoveries in the 15th and 16th centuries but also through special expeditions in the 17th and the beginning 18th centuries the coasts were surveyed and mapped. The exploration and mapping of the inner parts of the country began late (end of 18th century) and slowly. The main reason for this are the large coastal deserts and the large waterless areas that made travelling very difficult and dangerous. The first travellers in South West Africa were missionaries and researchers. Within the next about 100 years the travellers could map an approximate topographic structure of the land. This was more or less satisfactory for an overview and the safe travelling in the country. The third phase began with the European, here German colonisation at the end of the 19th century. This phase began with the search for useful recording and mapping methods. Especially the huge but deserted areas of the colony had to be mapped in an economic arguable but also for the military and the administration usable way. The culmination of this phase was reached only after World War II, in South West Africa even only in the 1970th. At this time the modern recording methods allowed an area-wide and economic surveying and mapping of the whole country. In the same phases one can also see the change-over from maps of the continent via linear maps as results of route-mappings to area-wide topographic map series. As in Europe the surveying and mapping of German South West Africa since 1904 was affected by the military and its techniques and demands. This gave the land an exceptional position in comparison to the other German colonies. Like in the scenic and climatic similar South Africa the military survey section built up a large and area-wide geodetic survey by triangulation since the Herero-War in 1904. On the other hand the cadastral survey was in the hands of the civil administration as it was in the German Empire. But the separation of the duties and responsibilities was not that clear and precise like in Germany because the civil land surveyors were responsible for all works in the colony prior 1904 and did not wanted to give up all charges. The constant questions of authority and the partly lack of acceptance of the works of the other side caused a lot of additional costs and the relatively slow mapping progress. The coordination and organization of the surveying and mapping of the German colony South West Africa shows obvious failings. Even so the mapping of the colony can be evaluated positive. For that time, the possibilities, instruments and methods, for the small number of employees and with the knowledge of the infrastructure and the living conditions the results are quite good. Many beautiful and high quality single maps and maps series of special area and for the whole country are known. This is much more astonishing as none of the neighbour countries could reach such an high standard up to the beginning of World War I. During the time of the South African mandatory power the competences and responsibilities of the surveying and mapping were also not clearly defined. After World War I but up to the 1950th South West Africa had an exceptional position compared to the South African provinces. The surveying office in Windhuk was responsible for all surveyings and mappings in South West Africa. For this the country was partly cutted from the latest methodic and technic developments of the South African Trigsurvey. On the other hand Windhuk could use his independence for own ways. For this the SWA-maps produced in the 1930th were printed in Southampton and not at the South African Government Printer in Pretoria and show a much better printing quality than the South African maps of that time. At the latest with the beginning of the production process of the map series in 1:50 000, 1:250 000 and smaller in the 1960th the mapping process of South West Africa/Namibia was fully controlled and affected by the South African Trigsurvey. Despite a lot of problems there are both for the Precolonial period, for the German and for the South African time a lot of good maps from many different authors and for different objections produced known. An analysis of the geometric accuracy of four maps, made between 1879 and 1980 (Chapter 6) shows additionally the high importance of area-wide triangulations for high quality maps. The reason for the overweight of the German colonial time in this work depends on the one side on the many maps and other cartographic products and activities of that time but on the other side it depends also on the high quantity and quality of resources about surveying and mapping in the German time.

Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt einerseits überblicksartig, gleichzeitig aber auch ins Detail gehend, vor allem die kartographische Entwicklung von Namibia von den Anfängen im 18. Jh. bis zur Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1990. Dabei werden neben der eigentlichen Kartographie auch die wichtigsten damit im Zusammenhang stehenden Entwicklungen der Forschungsreisen, des Vermessungswesens, der allgemeinen Verwaltung des Landes und der Organisation des Karten- und Vermessungswesens im Gebiet des heutigen Namibia, im Deutschen Reich und in Südafrika dargestellt. Diese Ausweitung des Themas erwies sich als notwendig, um die Hintergründe und das geschichtliche und politische Umfeld mancher kartographischen Entwicklung deutlich und verständlich machen zu können. Damit liegt erstmals eine umfassende Dokumentation über die Kartographie von Namibia vor. Die Gliederung der Arbeit in die drei großen Zeitabschnitte der vorkolonialen, der deutschen Kolonial- und der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit ermöglicht die genaue Differenzierung von politischen und verwaltungstechnischen Abhängigkeiten bei der Kartenherstellung. Allerdings muss auch berücksichtigt werden, dass unterschiedliche Entwicklungsstadien nicht nur vom Herrschaftsträger abhängig waren. Der Vergleich zu anderen Kolonien des südlichen und zentralen Afrika, aber auch der weiterreichende Blick auf alle europäischen Afrikakolonien zeigt, dass Fortschritte im jeweiligen Karten- und Vermessungswesen neben der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wertschätzung der Kolonie und der Macht des Mutterlandes (Deutschland, Portugal, Großbritannien, Frankreich) vor allem auch von der Größe, der Lage, der sehr verschiedenartigen Natur und dem Klima des entsprechenden Gebietes bestimmt wurden. Im Gegensatz zu der relativ langsamen, aber kontinuierlichen Entwicklung der Vermessungsmethoden und der kartographischen Darstellung in Europa sind in den Kolonien eher ruckartige Veränderungen zu verzeichnen, die mit dem Import der europäischen Methoden und Instrumente in infrastrukturell unterentwickelte Gebiete einhergingen. Die Entwicklung afrikanischer und im Besonderen südwestafrikanischer Karten zeigt drei Phasen: Zunächst erfolgte die Aufnahme der Küsten während der Entdeckungsreisen des 15. und 16. Jhs. und durch spezielle Forschungsreisen vor allem im 17. und beginnenden 18. Jh. Die Erforschung und kartographische Darstellung des Landesinnern begann dagegen zögernd erst Ende des 18. und Anfang des 19. Jhs. In SWA ist der Grund dafür vor allem in den schlechten Zugangsmöglichkeiten auf Grund der Wüstengebiete zu suchen. Träger dieser Aufnahmen waren hauptsächlich Missionare und Forschungsreisende. Innerhalb der nächsten 100 Jahre konnte in Südwestafrika ein grobes topographisches Grundwissen aufgebaut werden, das zur Orientierung im Land meist ausreichte. Mit der Eroberung Afrikas durch europäische Kolonialmächte Ende des 19. Jhs. begann die dritte Phase. Diese war in Südwestafrika durch die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft bestimmt und ist vor allem geprägt durch die Suche nach geeigneten Aufnahmemethoden und Darstellungswegen, um die riesigen, teilweise menschenleeren Gegenden in wirtschaftlich verantwortbarer, aber auch militärisch und verwaltungstechnisch nutzbarer Form kartographisch darzustellen. Ihren Höhepunkt erreicht diese Phase jedoch erst nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, in Südwestafrika sogar erst in den 1970er Jahren mit dem Einsatz moderner Aufnahmetechniken. In gleichen Phasen vollzog sich auch der Übergang von Kontinentkarten über lineare Routenaufnahmen mit stark wechselnden Maßstäben hin zu flächendeckenden topographischen Abbildungen. Mit diesen Veränderungen war auch eine Wandlung des Aussagewertes der Karten verbunden. Wie in Europa war die Kartenherstellung in Südwestafrika seit 1904 vor allem durch das Militär und dessen Bedürfnisse geprägt. Damit besaß das Land gegenüber den anderen deutschen Afrikakolonien eine Sonderstellung. Im Gegensatz zu den anderen deutschen Kolonien, aber in Anlehnung an das landschaftlich und klimatisch vergleichbare Südafrika wurde seit dem Hererokrieg 1904 eine großzügige und möglichst flächendeckende geodätische Vermessung durch Triangulation durchgeführt. Dagegen lagen die Katastervermessung und alle damit in Zusammenhang stehenden Arbeiten wie im Deutschen Reich in den Händen der zivilen Behörden. Allerdings war die Trennung der Aufgaben, bedingt durch die alleinige Zuständigkeit der Zivilverwaltung für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsangelegenheiten in Südwestafrika vor 1904, nicht ganz so deutlich wie im Deutschen Reich. Die dadurch bedingten regelmäßigen Kompetenzstreitigkeiten und die mangelnde Anerkennung der Arbeiten der Gegenseite verursachten die Behinderung zügiger Fortschritte in der Kartenherstellung sowie erhebliche zusätzliche Kosten. Die Koordinierung und Organisation der Arbeiten in Südwestafrika während der deutschen Kolonialzeit zeigt deutliche Mängel. Trotzdem kann das kartographisch Erreichte als positiv bewertet werden. Natürlich können aus heutiger Perspektive verschiedene Entscheidungen und Vorgehensweisen kritisiert werden. Für die damalige Zeit, die vorhandenen Mittel, Instrumente und Methoden, die Anzahl des Personals und im Wissen um die infrastrukturellen und Lebensbedingungen sind die erzielten Ergebnisse, ob das die Einzelkarten, räumlich definierte Kartenwerke oder solche des ganzen Landes betrifft, eine große Leistung. Das zeigt sich umso mehr im Vergleich zu den Nachbarstaaten, von denen beim Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges keines so zahlreiche und gute Kartenmaterialien vorweisen konnte. Aber auch während der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit seit 1920 waren die Kompetenzen und Zuständigkeiten nicht eindeutig geregelt. Zunächst besaß Südwestafrika eine Sonderstellung gegenüber den Provinzen der Südafrikanischen Union, indem das Vermessungsamt in Windhuk für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsarbeiten des Landes zuständig war. Damit war das Mandatsgebiet in gewisser Weise aber auch von den methodischen und technischen Fortschritten, vor allem des Trigsurvey, abgekoppelt. Andererseits nutzte man diese Unabhängigkeit in Windhuk für eigene Wege, vor allem beim Druck der Karten in Southampton. Spätestens seit dem Beginn der Herstellung der landesweiten Kartenwerke in den Maßstäben 1:50 000, 1:250 000 und kleiner in den 1960er Jahren wurden die kartographischen Arbeiten dann aber von Südafrika bestimmt und kontrolliert. Trotz dieser Probleme lässt sich sowohl für die deutsche Kolonialzeit als auch für die südafrikanische Mandatszeit eine Vielzahl guter und von unterschiedlichen Autoren stammender Karten als Einzelwerke, als Beilage zu diversen Berichten oder als Kartenwerke feststellen. Flächendeckende Triangulationen stellen daneben eine bedeutende Entwicklung für die lagerichtige Wiedergabe der Topographie auf der Karte dar. Dass die deutsche Kolonialzeit in der vorliegenden Arbeit ein starkes Übergewicht gegenüber den anderen beiden Zeitabschnitten aufweist, liegt auch an den zahlreichen Aktivitäten und Produkten dieser Zeit, vor allem aber an der Quellenlage, die für die Zeit zwischen 1890 und 1915 qualitativ und quantitativ wesentlich umfangreicher ist, als beispielsweise für die Zeit nach 1920. / This work gives an overview over the cartographic development of Namibia from the beginnings in the early 18th century up to the independence of the country in 1990. At the same time there is also a detailed view to the cartography, the maps and map series possible. Besides the most important developments of the large expeditions, the surveying, the general administration and the organization of the surveying and mapping in the area of today’s Namibia are shown. Additionally also the most important developments of surveying and mapping in the German Empire and in South Africa are presented because of there relevance for some historical and political decisions in relation to the surveying and mapping of Namibia. For the first time this work presents a comprehensive documentation about the cartography and the map-products of Namibia. Such a work does not exist for any of the neighbour countries in Southern Africa. The work is structured into three main periods, the Precolonial time up to 1884, the time of the German colony German South West Africa between 1884 and 1915/20 and the time of the South African mandatory power between 1920 and 1990. These periods allow to show in detail the different political and administrative obediences for the map making. But not only the colonial power (Germany, Great Britain, France, Portugal) is responsible for different developments. In comparison especially with other countries of Southern Africa but also with countries all over Africa it could be shown that advances in surveying and mapping also depend on the dimension, the location, the different nature, relief and the climate of an area. In contrast to the mostly slow but continuous development of the surveying methods and the cartographic design in Europe the colonies show steplike changes. This is because of the import of the European methods and instruments into areas with very low infrastructure. The development of the South West African cartography shows three main phases. During the age of discoveries in the 15th and 16th centuries but also through special expeditions in the 17th and the beginning 18th centuries the coasts were surveyed and mapped. The exploration and mapping of the inner parts of the country began late (end of 18th century) and slowly. The main reason for this are the large coastal deserts and the large waterless areas that made travelling very difficult and dangerous. The first travellers in South West Africa were missionaries and researchers. Within the next about 100 years the travellers could map an approximate topographic structure of the land. This was more or less satisfactory for an overview and the safe travelling in the country. The third phase began with the European, here German colonisation at the end of the 19th century. This phase began with the search for useful recording and mapping methods. Especially the huge but deserted areas of the colony had to be mapped in an economic arguable but also for the military and the administration usable way. The culmination of this phase was reached only after World War II, in South West Africa even only in the 1970th. At this time the modern recording methods allowed an area-wide and economic surveying and mapping of the whole country. In the same phases one can also see the change-over from maps of the continent via linear maps as results of route-mappings to area-wide topographic map series. As in Europe the surveying and mapping of German South West Africa since 1904 was affected by the military and its techniques and demands. This gave the land an exceptional position in comparison to the other German colonies. Like in the scenic and climatic similar South Africa the military survey section built up a large and area-wide geodetic survey by triangulation since the Herero-War in 1904. On the other hand the cadastral survey was in the hands of the civil administration as it was in the German Empire. But the separation of the duties and responsibilities was not that clear and precise like in Germany because the civil land surveyors were responsible for all works in the colony prior 1904 and did not wanted to give up all charges. The constant questions of authority and the partly lack of acceptance of the works of the other side caused a lot of additional costs and the relatively slow mapping progress. The coordination and organization of the surveying and mapping of the German colony South West Africa shows obvious failings. Even so the mapping of the colony can be evaluated positive. For that time, the possibilities, instruments and methods, for the small number of employees and with the knowledge of the infrastructure and the living conditions the results are quite good. Many beautiful and high quality single maps and maps series of special area and for the whole country are known. This is much more astonishing as none of the neighbour countries could reach such an high standard up to the beginning of World War I. During the time of the South African mandatory power the competences and responsibilities of the surveying and mapping were also not clearly defined. After World War I but up to the 1950th South West Africa had an exceptional position compared to the South African provinces. The surveying office in Windhuk was responsible for all surveyings and mappings in South West Africa. For this the country was partly cutted from the latest methodic and technic developments of the South African Trigsurvey. On the other hand Windhuk could use his independence for own ways. For this the SWA-maps produced in the 1930th were printed in Southampton and not at the South African Government Printer in Pretoria and show a much better printing quality than the South African maps of that time. At the latest with the beginning of the production process of the map series in 1:50 000, 1:250 000 and smaller in the 1960th the mapping process of South West Africa/Namibia was fully controlled and affected by the South African Trigsurvey. Despite a lot of problems there are both for the Precolonial period, for the German and for the South African time a lot of good maps from many different authors and for different objections produced known. An analysis of the geometric accuracy of four maps, made between 1879 and 1980 (Chapter 6) shows additionally the high importance of area-wide triangulations for high quality maps. The reason for the overweight of the German colonial time in this work depends on the one side on the many maps and other cartographic products and activities of that time but on the other side it depends also on the high quantity and quality of resources about surveying and mapping in the German time.

This dissertation studies the First World War South African campaign in German South West Africa from 1914 until 1915. The campaign was characterised by the high mobility of the Union’s mounted soldiers which enabled swift advances and rapid envelopments. The German forces applied a defensive strategy relying on the lack of water and remoteness of the terrain to deter and prolong the Union’s invasion. The German force also relied on internal lines of communication to concentrate its forces on the Union’s advancing columns. The Union Defence Forces’s numbered approximately 50 000 compared to the German force of about 7 000. The campaign culminated on 9 July 1915 with the surrender of almost the entire German fighting force intact. This study analyses whether the victory can be attributed to the Union Defence Forces’s numerical superiority or the operational strategy and tactics which were applied during the campaign. It is argued that this operational strategy is congruent with the modern theory of manoeuvre warfare and that the campaign is therefore a textbook example of manoeuvre warfare theory / History / M.A. (History)

The most important component of the climate system over the Indian Ocean region is the southwest monsoon, which dictates the life and economy of billions of people in the tropics. Being a phenomena that involves interaction between atmosphere, ocean and land, the southwest monsoon is strongly influenced by upper ocean, primarily through warm sea surface temperature (SST). This is particularly true about the southeastern Arabian Sea (SEAS) and the onset of southwest monsoon over the peninsular India. A localized patch of warm water, known as the Arabian Sea mini warm pool (ASMWP), forms in the SEAS during February–March. It remain as the warmest spot in the northern Indian Ocean till early April. A large region, surrounding the SEAS, attains SST exceeding 30°C during April–May, with often the ASMWP as its core. The ASMWP is believed to have a critical impact on the air-sea interaction during the onset phase of southwest monsoon and on the formation of the onset vortex, during late May or early June. This thesis addresses the formation mechanisms of ASMWP, using a high-resolution Ocean General Circulation Model (OGCM) of the Indian Ocean. In addition to the formation of ASMWP, the SEAS is characterized by several features in its hydrography and circulation, which have been invoked in the past to explain the preferential warming of this oceanic region. During November–January, the prevailing surface currents transport low-salinity water from the Bay of Bengal into the SEAS and leads to strong haline stratification in the upper layer and formation of barrier layer (layer between mixed layer and isothermal layer). The vertical distribution of temperature in the SEAS exhibit inversions (higher subsurface temperature than that at surface) during December–February. A high in sea level and anticyclonic eddies develop in the SEAS during December and they propagate westward. These eddies modify the hydrography through downwelling and play an important role in the redistribution of advected low-salinity water within the SEAS. The seasonally reversing coastal and equatorial currents present in and around SEAS also have a major contribution in setting up the hydrography, through the advection and redistribution of cooler low-salinity water. These features make the SEAS a unique oceanographic region. The first hypothesis on the formation of ASMWP, which has been suggested by diagnostic studies, is based on the barrier layer mechanism. The barrier layer, caused by the influx of low-salinity water at surface, is argued to maintain a shallow mixed layer which can warm more efficiently. In addition, presence of barrier layer can prevent mixed layer cooling, by cutting off the interaction of mixed layer with cooler thermocline water below. However, a coupled model study have shown that there is no significant impact on the ASMWP formation from barrier layer, but only a weak warming effect during it mature phase during April. The second hypothesis, which is based on an OGCM study, has suggested that the temperature inversions present within the barrier layer can heat the mixed layer through turbulent entrainment and in turn lead to the formation of ASMWP during February–March. Both hypotheses rule out the possibility of air-sea heat fluxes being the primary reason in its formation. The strong salinity stratification in the SEAS during December–March is central to the hypotheses about formation of the ASMWP. Observational studies have only limited success in assessing the contribution from barrier layer and temperature inversions, as the ASMWP always form in their presence. OGCMs offer a better alternative. However, modelling processes in the northern Indian Ocean, especially that in the SEAS, is a challenging problem. Previous Indian Ocean models have had serious difficulties in simulating the low-salinity water in the Bay of Bengal and its intrusion into the SEAS. The northward advection of low-salinity water in the SEAS, along the west coast of India, is used to be absent in model simulations. Moreover, the coarse resolution inhibited those models from simulating faster surface currents and vigorous eddies as seen in the observations. In this thesis, we use an OGCM of the Indian Ocean, based on the recent version of Modular Ocean Model (MOM4p0), to study the ASMWP. The model has high resolutions in the horizontal (1/4o x 1/4o) and vertical (40 levels, with 5 m spacing in upper 60 m), and has been forced with daily values momentum, heat and freshwater fluxes. The turbulent (latent and sensible) and long wave heat fluxes have been calculated as a function of model SST. The freshwater forcing consists of precipitation, evaporation and river runoff, and there are no surface restoring or flux adjustments. The river runoff has been distributed over several grid points about the river mouth instead of discharging into a singe grid point, which has resulted in remarkable improvements in salinity simulation. The model simulates the Indian Ocean temperature, salinity and circulation remarkably well. The pattern of model temperature distribution and evolution matches very well with that in the observations. Significant improvements have been made in the salinity simulation, including the Bay of Bengal freshwater plume and intrusion of low-salinity water from the bay into the SEAS. The salinity distribution within the SEAS is also well represented in the model. The use of appropriate horizontal friction parameters has resulted in the simulation of realistic currents. The observed features in the SEAS, including the life cycle of the ASMWP, low-salinity water, barrier layer, temperature inversions, eddies and currents are well represented in the model. Present study has unraveled the processes involved in the life cycle of barrier layer and temperature inversions in the SEAS. Presence of low-salinity water is necessary for their formation. Barrier layer develops in the SEAS during November, after the intrusion of low-salinity water from the Bay of Bengal. The barrier layer is thickest during January–February, and it dissipates during March–April. The variations and peak of barrier layer thickness is controlled by variations in isothermal layer depth, which in turn is dominated by the downwelling effects of anticyclonic eddies. The intense solar heating during March–April leads to the formation of shallow isothermal layer and results in the dissipation of barrier layer. Temperature inversions starts developing in the SEAS during December, reaches its peak during January–February and dissipates in the following months. Advection of cooler low-salinity water over warmer salty water and penetrating shortwave radiation is found to cause temperature inversions within the SEAS, whereas winter cooling is also important to the north and south of the SEAS. There is significant variation in the magnitude, depth of occurrence and formation mechanisms of temperature inversions within the SEAS. Analysis of model mixed layer heat budget has shown that the SEAS SST is mainly controlled by atmospheric forcing, including the life cycle of ASMWP. It has also shown that the heating from temperature inversions do not contribute to the formation of ASMWP. In an experiment in which a constant salinity of 35 psu was maintained over the entire model domain, the ASMWP evolved very similar to that in the standard run, suggesting that the salinity effects are not necessary for the formation of ASMWP. Examination of wind field show that the winds over the SEAS during November–February are low due to the blocking of northeasterly winds by Western Ghats. Several process experiments by modifying the wind and turbulent heat fluxforcing fields have shown that these low winds lead to the formation of ASMWP in the SEAS during February–March. The low winds reduce latent heat loss, resulting in net heat gain by the ocean. This helps the SEAS to keep warmer SST while the surrounding region experience intense cooling under the strong dry northeasterly winds. As the winds are weak over the SEAS, the mixed layer is not able to feel the stratification beneath and the mixed layer depth is determined by solar heating, with or without salinity effects. In addition, the weak winds are not able to entrain the temperature inversions present in the barrier layer. The winds are weak during March–April too, and the air-sea heat fluxes dictate the SST evolution during this period. Therefore, during November–April, the SEAS acts as a low wind heat-dominated regime, where the evolution of sea surface temperature is solely determined by atmospheric forcing. We show that, in such regions, the evolution of surface layer temperature is not dependent on the characteristics of subsurface ocean, including the presence of barrier layer and temperature inversions.

[Truncated abstract] A number of controlled and natural seismic sources are utilised to model the Pwave velocity structure of the southwest of the Yilgarn Craton, Western Australia. The Yilgarn Craton is one of the largest pieces of Archaean crust in the world and is known for its gold and nickel deposits in the east and intraplate seismicity in the west. The aim of the project is to link 2D and 3D models of variations in seismic velocity with the local seismicity and geology. A new set of seismic refraction data, acquired in 25 overlapping deployments between 2002 and 2005, has been processed, picked and analysed using forward modelling. The data comprise two perpendicular traverses of three-component recordings of various delay-fired blasts from local commercial quarries. The data were processed using a variety of techniques. Tests were carried out on a number of data enhancement and picking procedures in order to determine the best method for enhancement of delay-fired data. A new method for automatic phase recognition is presented, where the maximum of the derivative of the rectilinearity of a trace is taken as the first break. Complete shot gathers with first break picks for each seismic source are compiled from the overlapping deployments. ... The starting 3D model was based on the models produced by 2D forward modelling. 14 iterations were carried out and the best-fit 3D model was achieved at the 10th iteration. It is 35% better then the current model used to locate earthquakes in this region. The resultant velocity block model was used to iii construct a density block model. A relative gravity map of the southwest of Yilgarn Craton was made. The results of 2D forward modelling, 3D tomography and forward gravity modelling have been compared and it was found that the HVZ is present in all models. Such a zone has been previously seen on a single seismic refraction profile, but it is the first time, this zone has been mapped in 3D. The gravity high produced by the zone coincides with the gravity high observed in reality. There is strong evidence that suggests that the HVZ forms part of the Archaean terrane boundary within the Yilgarn Craton. The distribution of the local seismicity was then discussed in the framework of the new 3D velocity model. A hypothesis, that the primary control on the seismicity in the study area is rotation of the major horizontal stress orientation, is presented. It is also argued that the secondary control on seismicity in the SWSZ is accommodation of movements along major faults.

Les communautés du Bronze final et du Premier âge du Fer (Xe s.-Ve s. av. J.-C.), situées entre Garonne et Èbre, sont essentiellement connues par leurs nécropoles à crémation. Cette recherche, qui repose sur une abondante documentation de plus de 400 nécropoles, entend aborder la question des pratiques funéraires sous un nouvel angle, en réalisant une synthèse des données archéologiques sur une vaste échelle géographique afin d’avoir une vision d’ensemble des pratiques funéraires et de leurs dynamiques dans le temps. Après avoir introduit des notions historiographiques importantes et discuté les éléments relatifs au cadre chronologique de l’étude (proposition d’un système chronologique inter-régional), nous proposons d’étudier une sélection de nécropoles bien documentées. Ces nécropoles seront analysées suivant une grille d’analyse précise qui permettra de réaliser des analyses statistiques afin d’étudier d’éventuels groupes funéraires. Les résultats de ces analyses sont exposés de manière chronologique ce qui nous donnera l’occasion, dans un second temps, de discuter la répartition géographique de ces groupes funéraires et leur évolution dans le temps et l’espace. / Final Bronze Age and First Iron Age communities (10th - 5th century B. C.), situated between the Garonne and the Ebro Rivers are essentially known though their cremation burial cemeteries. This work, based on an abundant documentation of more than 400 cemeteries, intends to approach the question of the funeral practices under a new point of view, by realizing a synthesis of the archaeological data on a large geographical scale to get an overall view of the funerary practices and their dynamics throughout time. After introducing the important background notions and discussing the chronological elements (proposal of an inter-regional chronological system), we suggest studying a selection of cremation burial cemeteries well documented. These cemeteries will be studied according to a grid of analysis which will allows us to realize statistical analyses to study possible funeral groups. The results of these analyses are explained in a chronological way which give us the opportunity, in a second time, to discuss the geographical distribution of these funeral groups and their evolution in time and space.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / This thesis is an appraisal of curriculum development at the Solomon Mahlangu Freedom College and the Dakawa Development Centre established by the ANC in exile, in Tanzania in 1978 and 1982 respectively. In 1960 the ANC went into exile when it was banned under the Unlawful Organisations Act in the wake of the Sharpeville crisis. The ANC's record in the educational arena from 1912 to 1960 was characterized by reactive responses to state policy as it did not have a structured educational programme that it could offer as an alternative to education for blacks. In the post-1960 period it was faced with a new set of priorities, that is, the huge and complex task of re-organising itself both within South Africa and in exile. In 1978 the ANC established its educational institution, the SOMAFCO High School, in Mazimbu, Tanzania, in the wake of the 1976 uprisings in Soweto and elsewhere in South Africa. In 1980 the project was extended by the establishment of the SOMAFCO Primary School, followed by the Dakawa Development Centre in 1982. Three broad emphases came to the fore when the ANC Education Policy was being formulated in the late 1970s: emphasis on Academic Education; emphasis on Political Education and an emphasis on Polytechnic Education. The ANC Education Department claimed to have formulated a clear and concise education policy in 1978 but sharp debates over the appropriate curriculum for ANC education in exile persisted up to 1992, when the institutions were closed and repatriation to South Africa began The main problem being investigated is why there were such divergent views on the appropriate curriculum for ANC education-in-exile from within the ANC, and in the light of this contestation, what happened in reality to curriculum practice at the institutions. The arguments for Academic, Political and Polytechnic Education are contextualized in the curriculum debates of the times, that is, the zo" century international policy discourse, the African curriculum debates and Apartheid Education in South Africa. This study examines how Academic Education, despite the sharp debates, was institutionalised at the SOMAFCO High School. It also analyses the arguments for and various notions of Political and Polytechnic Education as well as what happened to these in practice at the school. The SOMAFCO Primary School went through three phases of curriculum development. The school opened in 1980 under a 'caretaker' staff and without a structured curriculum. During the second phase 1980-1982 a progressive curriculum was developed by Barbara and Terry Bell. After the Bells resigned in 1982, a conventional academic curriculum was implemented by Dennis September, the new principal. There is debate over why the Dakawa Development Centre was initially opened in 1982. lts objectives were identified at the First Dakawa Seminar in 1982. This study examines curriculum development within its structures: the Vocational Training Centre, the Ruth First Education Orientation Centre and the Raymond Mahlaba Rehabilitation Centre. This study analyses whether the Vocational Training Centre was intended to train students in skills required for the construction of Dakawa or whether it would provide Vocational Education which would lead to the attainment of recognized certification for future employment. It examines whether the Ruth First Education Orientation Centre was an educational facility or a security centre. It also examines the nature of rehabilitation at the Raymond Mahlaba Rehabilitation Centre. The other structures like the farm, small industries and other social facilities are also examined. The study finally traces the relocation of the Dakawa Development Centre to Grahamstown in South Africa.