The purpose of this thesis is to give a critical analysis of ¡§Macphersonian possessive individualism¡¨, with regards to the issues of historical methodology as well as political theory. Having introduced my project of study in the opening chapter, I begin chapter two with an examination of the very idea of ¡§possessive individualism¡¨ proposed by C. B. Macpherson, and the theory of property and democracy that the thinker comes to develop in his later works. In chapter three, I turn to cope with the methodological problems implicit in Macpherson¡¦s study of history, mainly in terms of the Cambridge School¡¦s serious attack on its anti-historicity. In addition, the relative criticisms that I have addressed to Macpherson¡¦s methodology include the Marxist determinism and the Rationalist mode of modernity that appear his work. In chapter four, by contrast, it is Macpherson¡¦s theory of property and democracy that is under consideration. Here, taking the thought of Hayek as my case, I set out to show how the liberal formulations of democracy and property can still be free from Macpherson¡¦s Marxist charge. Finally, I conclude this thesis with a brief talk about the plausibility of Giddens¡¦ third way as the possible solution for the long-term debate regarding the intricate tension between property and equality.

This thesis engages peace studies in a liberalist approach in International Relations. The three main schools of liberalism have their shortage. Democratic peace theory suggests the correlation between democracy and peace, but cannot proof there be a necessary causality between them. Neo-liberal institutionalism claims that international institutions help to assure peace. However, institutions cannot be fair to every country. Interdependent theory claims that closer interdependence could bring peace. Nevertheless, the more interdependent countries are, the more conflicts there are. This thesis applies spontaneous order theory in international peace studies , which stresses the importance of freedom and law-making for keeping the best and free status of human being.

Šiame darbe aptariant socialinių ir ekonominių struktūrų ypatumus pagrindinė analizė sutelkiama ties esminiu – savireguliacijos - principu. Pasitelkus socializmo, istoricizmo, psichologizmo, racionalizmo, biurokratinės ir verslinės tvarkos teorijas analizuojama kaip savireguliacijos mechanizmo principas veikia įvairiose visuomenės struktūrose. Aptariant bendrus šių teorijų bruožus siekiama atskleisti ir bendrus jų principus bei prigimtį. Kiekvienos teorijos mechanizmas funkcionuojantis pagal savus dėsnius tarnauja vienai ar kitai tvarkai. Vienos teorijos yra sureguliuojančios, t.y., jos būtinos ten, kur netinka savireguliacinė tvarka, o kitos yra spontaniškos prigimties ir joms negalioja su-tvarkymo mechanizmas. Centralizuoto valdymo siekis yra sukontroliuoti bendros tvarkos principų laikymąsi. Egzistuoja prieštara ir perskyra tarp centralizuoto valdymo ir saviregualicijos – savivaldos principų. Tie būdai, kurie tinka susireguliuojančiai tvarkai palaikyti, negali būti pritaikomi ir reguliuojančioje tvarkoje, todėl viena tvarka negali būti pakeista kitu tų pačių reikalų tvarkymo būdu. Savireguliacinis mechanizmas yra būdingas toms tvarkoms, kurioms negalioja su-reguliuojančios tvarkos būdas, tačiau tuo pačiu šios tvarkos visada yra koegzistuojančiame santykyje. Kai viena tvarka įgyja kitos tvarkos bruožų ji praranda savo esmines funkcijas. Iracionalumo principu paremtos teorijos priskiria vienai tvarkai kitos tvarkos bruožus. Šiame darbe aptariama socialinių ir ekonominių... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / In this paper, in which the structure of the social and the economic aspects are being discussed, the main analysis is based on the fundamental principal of self-regulation. Using theories of socialism, historicism, psichologism, rationalism, bureaucratic and business order the analysis of how the mechanism of self-regulation behaves in different social is being proceeded. In order to find out about the nature and the features of these theories, several discussions are being processed. Each single feature of a theory is dependant on some orders. Some theories are controlling which means they are required when self-regulation order is not appropriate. The others have spontaneous nature and no rules of the controlling mechanism can be applied to them. The purpose of centralist order is to control the following of the rules of the main order. There are the face off and distinction between the principles of centralist order and self-regulation (self-control). The methods that can be applied to the self-controlling order can never be applied to the controlling order and because of that, one order can not be replaced to another. Self-regulation mechanism is inherent to the orders to which the controlling order can not be applied. But at the same time, these two orders are always in a co-existent relationship. When one of them takes over some features from another, it loses its’ key functions. Theories based on the principal of irrationalism attribute the features of one order... [to full text]

Hayek's interpretation of Smith's invisible hand as a metaphor for the theory of spontaneous order still holds as the only authentic interpretation of that famous phrase, despite all criticism. Although not many authors noticed it, Hegel was a theorist of spontaneous order, namely also a theorist of the spontaneous order of market economy. There is evidence that Hegel followed here Adam Smith's teachings about the invisible hand. The invisible hand is present in Hegel's writings as an element, from what sprang his theory of spirit. That means that his theory of spirit is a general theory of spontaneous order, although written in metaphysical manner. However, being a theorist of spontaneous order didn't prevent him from being an interventionist. He was led to interventionism by his synoptic fallacy of mind. He never tried to apply this fallacy on the studies of the market economy. Marxists did that. Some of recent scholars (Sciabarra, Johnson, and Cristi) identified Hegel's theory of spontaneous order, but their interpretation wasn't perfectly in accordance with Hegel's texts. How these authors denied Popper's and Hayek's incorrect opinion that Hegel was a totalitarian, thus it is needed to enrich studies of mentioned current scholars. Here it is taken into account only what Hegel wrote, not later authors about him. This thesis is also an attempt to evaluate the history of economic thought from the standpoint of Smith's and Hegel's methodology.

Democracy is always included in the discourse ?ver the theme of freedom and it is almost always considered an integral part of social order. In this context, it is a balance between freedom and power. Such discourses, however, view democracy as a political ideal and the real applications often run into democratic influences and social barriers of degenerative nature. These barriers leave nothing but the torso under the formal guise of democratic principles. This thesis unravels the influences and barriers that interfere with the application of the ideal of democracy. In this context, the technological development with which the dynamics of both social and political order changes, cannot be ignored. Based on the pieces of information about what kind of threat the degenerative effects of democracy represent, the thesis searches for such attributes, on the basis of which it is possible to construct a model of the entropic degeneration of democracy.

O presente trabalho analisa como o economista austríaco Friedrich August von Hayek estrutura sua teoria da justiça, identificando a realização do ideal de justiça numa sociedade livre com a vigência do Estado de Direito, ou seja, do governo das normas gerais de conduta justa, que deverão ser aplicadas sempre visando a igualdade formal (isonomia). Ainda, discute os motivos pelos quais o autor considera que a liberdade individual só poderá efetivamente florescer em uma ordem espontânea, que funciona baseada na concorrência, a qual só poderá se manter onde vigore o Estado de Direito e, portanto, haja justiça formal. / The present paper analyzes how the economist Friedrich August von Hayek structures his theory of justice, identifying the accomplishment of the ideal of justice in a free society with the Rule of Law, that is to say, in the government of rules of just conduct, which must be applied always aiming at the equality before the law (isonomia). Besides, this paper discusses the reasons why the author considers that liberty can effectively flourish only in a spontaneous order that performs based on competition, which will be maintained where the Rule of Law stands and, therefore, the formal justice is present.

O presente trabalho analisa como o economista austríaco Friedrich August von Hayek estrutura sua teoria da justiça, identificando a realização do ideal de justiça numa sociedade livre com a vigência do Estado de Direito, ou seja, do governo das normas gerais de conduta justa, que deverão ser aplicadas sempre visando a igualdade formal (isonomia). Ainda, discute os motivos pelos quais o autor considera que a liberdade individual só poderá efetivamente florescer em uma ordem espontânea, que funciona baseada na concorrência, a qual só poderá se manter onde vigore o Estado de Direito e, portanto, haja justiça formal. / The present paper analyzes how the economist Friedrich August von Hayek structures his theory of justice, identifying the accomplishment of the ideal of justice in a free society with the Rule of Law, that is to say, in the government of rules of just conduct, which must be applied always aiming at the equality before the law (isonomia). Besides, this paper discusses the reasons why the author considers that liberty can effectively flourish only in a spontaneous order that performs based on competition, which will be maintained where the Rule of Law stands and, therefore, the formal justice is present.

This thesis deals with the theory of moral sentiments as put in Adam Smith's work. The thesis reflects the legacy of Adam Smith and enlightened sentimentalism as whole in field of contemporary philosophy and sociological science. Hence the thesis gives attention to misinterpretations of Smith's work, to his economical heritage with emphasis on Hayek's elaboration of the theory of spontaneous order (which has foundation in the notion of the "invisible hand") and also to his legacy in political philosophy. Here the thesis introduces particularly the debate on reflective autonomy, which is crucial for the lining of fundamental features of the disagreement between rationalistic and sentimentalistic account of the origin of morality, and tries to advocate the significance of sentimentalistic claims in todays society. The aim of this thesis is to convince the reader that the aspects of our mind, which the theory of moral sentiments and sentimentalism emphases and which are rather overlooked or devalued in todays world, are absolutely necessary in public debate.

O presente trabalho analisa como o economista austríaco Friedrich August von Hayek estrutura sua teoria da justiça, identificando a realização do ideal de justiça numa sociedade livre com a vigência do Estado de Direito, ou seja, do governo das normas gerais de conduta justa, que deverão ser aplicadas sempre visando a igualdade formal (isonomia). Ainda, discute os motivos pelos quais o autor considera que a liberdade individual só poderá efetivamente florescer em uma ordem espontânea, que funciona baseada na concorrência, a qual só poderá se manter onde vigore o Estado de Direito e, portanto, haja justiça formal. / The present paper analyzes how the economist Friedrich August von Hayek structures his theory of justice, identifying the accomplishment of the ideal of justice in a free society with the Rule of Law, that is to say, in the government of rules of just conduct, which must be applied always aiming at the equality before the law (isonomia). Besides, this paper discusses the reasons why the author considers that liberty can effectively flourish only in a spontaneous order that performs based on competition, which will be maintained where the Rule of Law stands and, therefore, the formal justice is present.

This thesis aims to broaden the discussion about the origins of some of the fundamental theoretical sources for Hayek’s ideas regarding freedom and the state. It focuses on the debates between the Austrian School of Economics and the German Historical School of Economics, as well as the works of Popper, Mill, Humboldt and Hegel in order to identify their positive and negative influences on Hayek’s views of freedom and the state. The originality of the thesis relates to the examination of Humboldt’s political philosophy in terms of its influence over the formation of the components of Hayek’s account of freedom, such as spontaneous order, the rule of law, the role of the state, and the nature of human knowledge. These components have assisted in Hayek’s efforts to prove the superiority of open societies over totalitarian regimes. The thesis explains that Hayek’s intellectual collaboration with Popper played a significant role in identifying many enemies of open societies. Both theorists agreed that historicism was a method commonly used and promoted by the enemies of open society; specifically, they accused Hegel of promoting historicism and, as a result, of being an enemy of open societies. However, this thesis disputes these accusations and argues that Popper and Hayek did not possess adequate knowledge of Hegel’s theoretical work to make such claims. In actuality, Hegel was not an enemy of open societies, he recognized the potential devastating outcomes associated with them and sought solutions. The thesis also explores the idea that Mill was also worried about the detrimental features of industrial capitalism and, as a result, attributed a prominent role to “state activity” in securing the conditions of positive freedom. Hayek, meanwhile, viewed such forms of state interference as obstacles to attaining freedom. This thesis examines the topic whether or not Hayek actually sought to formulate a genuine form of freedom or if he merely valued freedom as a tool for the promotion of open societies over centrally planned economies.