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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Networked Digital Library of Theses and Dissertations.
Our metadata is collected from universities around the world. If you manage a university/consortium/country archive and want to be added, details can be found on the NDLTD website.
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The Public Works Committee : an anlysis and evaluation of the Australian Commonwealth's Parliamentary Standing Committee on Public WorksLaver, John Poynton, n/a January 1990 (has links)
This dissertation analyses the origin, purposes, nature, operation
and achievements of the Commonwealth's Parliamentary Standing
Committee on Public Works (Public Works Committee - PWC),
and assesses its utility to parliament. The PWC originated in
1913 as a permanent committee of parliamentarians established to
examine government proposals for public works, and report on
them to parliament. Its purpose is to provide detailed data on
works proposals in order to allow informed voting. In the process
parliament also achieves a degree of control over government
- ministers and public servants. Unlike most parliamentary
audit of government expenditure, the PWC scrutinises proposals
before works are built. It is a joint, statutory, scrutiny
committee.
The proper role for parliamentary committees in general is the
checking of government, through influence, criticism, scrutiny,
and publicity. The PWC is assessed against this role through an
analysis of its legislation and operation, and interviews with
involved parliamentarians and bureaucrats. Criteria used include
adequacy of evidence obtained, precision and clarity of
reports, and degree of influence on government and acceptance of
recommendations. In these terms the PWC has little effect in
controlling policy making by the executive government - cabinet
and ministers. Moreover, specific amendment of its act together
with the consequential effects of nominally unrelated
legislation, have reduced the scope of Committee activities to
an estimated less than half of all Commonwealth public works.
This trend is continuing under current policies of corporatising
departmental activities and excluding the resulting statutory
corporations from PWC examination. These moves prevent parliament
playing its proper role in the governance of the country.
However, within the ambit of its powers, the PWC generally rates
highly against the above criteria, and exerts a significant
degree of parliamentary control over government administration -
the public service - in the implementation of public works.
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The expanding role of the Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade : 1952 - 1993Gould, Gillian, n/a January 1993 (has links)
This research essay examines the emergence and development of the
Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade and
its attempts to influence foreign policy. Established as the Joint
Committee on Foreign Affairs in 1952, it was the first committee to
have a specific portfolio alignment. The purpose of the committee was
to ensure that a considerable number of parliamentarians could become
informed about foreign affairs issues.
The establishment of a committee for such a purpose was surprising in
that proponents of parliamentary reform at that tune were strongly
advocating that a comprehensive system of committees be created for
the purposes of financial scrutiny of government expenditure and
consideration of legislation. Against this background it is interesting
that the new committee was not given - and indeed showed no intention
of assuming - the role of scrutinising the activities of the Department
of External (and later, Foreign) Affairs.
It is also interesting that Prime Minister Robert Menzies instigated the
committee despite the fact that the government - and particularly the
Minister for External Affairs R G Casey - feared the committee might
go beyond its terms of reference and attempt to exert influence on
government policy. Consequently the government imposed severe
restrictions on the committee's activities which resulted in the
Opposition steadfastly refusing to participate in the work of the
committee for 15 years. Once some of these restrictions were removed,
the committee began to operate as a bipartisan committee in 1967 and
promptly set about attempting to influence government policy in foreign
affairs. Casey's worst fears were realised.
Over the years the brief of the committee expanded into the areas of
defence and trade. Eleven of the committee's reports address significant
defence issues and since 1987 the committee has conducted extensive
inquiries into trade matters. For the purposes of this research essay
however I have focused on the development of the committee's interest
and influence in the area of foreign affairs.
Chapter One of this essay describes the background of parliamentary
reform which resulted in the establishment of a comprehensive system
of committees within the Australian Parliament. Against this
background the emergence of the Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs
is outlined in Chapter Two. Chapter Three identifies the major trends
in the work of the committee while Chapter Four examines the
influence and some of the mechanisms through which the committee
has exerted pressure on foreign affairs policy. The conclusions of my
research are addressed in Chapter Five.
This research essay is based on an analysis of official committee
documents which address foreign affairs issues from 1967 to the
present. The major sources for the essay therefore are the reports of the
committee, government responses to those reports and parliamentary
debates. Other works consulted include academic journals and
monographs. I have also gained numerous insights into the powers and
limitations of committees through informal discussions with members
of various committees and colleagues. To these people I am indebted for
their thoughtful and provocative remarks. In particular I thank
Professor John Halligan of the University of Canberra for his assistance
and encouragement in bringing this research essay to its conclusion.
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Parliamentary committees and policy formulation : a case study of the role of the House of Commons Standing Committee on Finance, Trade and Economic Affairs in the process of tax reform in Canada.Goldenberg, Edward Stephen. January 1971 (has links)
Note:
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院會與委員會的權力關係鍾智明 Unknown Date (has links)
本研究從我國立法院中院會與常設委員會之間政黨組成結構的角度出發，試圖探討兩者之間組成差異的程度以及方向對於法條審查所造成的影響。本文假設委員會與院會之間的政黨組成差異若越大，則委員會對於法案的審查結果在院會遭到修正的情況將越為明顯。研究結果顯示，在第三屆中政黨組成差異比例越大的委員會，其審查通過的法條在院會所遭到的修正程度越小，而院會多數黨若在審查委員會席次過半，則有助於減緩審查通過的條文在院會遭到修正的情況。另一方面，由於委員會組成方式改變導致院會與委員會之間的組成依政黨比例為原則，因此第六屆的部分在研究中主要僅提供參考，其中政黨組成差異比例與多數黨是否在委員會中過半皆並不對法條審查造成任何影響，而將兩屆資料合併分析則是如同第三屆所呈現的結果。換言之，本文對於院會與委員會政黨組成差異對於法案修正影響的研究假設並未能得到經驗上的支持。 / This research takes its departure from observing different percentage of party constitution between floor and standing committees in Legislative Yuan, and tries to examine how the difference affects the process and consequence of bill amendments. The main hypothesis of this research is that higher different percentage of party constitution will result in higher degree of bill amendment on the floor. Empirical evidence shows that in the third term, higher different percentage of party constitution in a committee results in lower degree of floor amendment. Nevertheless, when the majority party comes to enjoy more than a majority in a committee, lower degree of bill amendments is found. On the other hand, because the method to compose committees changed, the proportion of parties in floor and committees was similar in the sixth term. So, the data of the sixth term is just for reference; the different percentage of party constitution and majority party’s seat advantage in committees do not impact the extent of floor amendments. The combination of the third and sixth term also shows the same result with the third term. In other words, the hypothesis regarding different percentage of party constitution is not supported by empirical data.
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Legislative Committees and Deliberative Democracy: the Committee System of the South African Parliament with Specific Reference to the Standing Committee on Public Accounts (SCOPA).Obiyo, Robert Egwim 02 March 2007 (has links)
Student Number : 9908223M -
PhD thesis -
School of Social Sciences -
Faculty of Humanities / This thesis examines the status and role of parliamentary committees in democratic
theory with a view to critically assessing the performance of one such committee, the
South African version of the PAC, SCOPA. It advances a pluralist theory of popular
sovereignty according to which there is no single institutional complex or site, which
exclusively expresses the will of the people. The latter is the case in monist theories,
which reduce democracy to its practice in a single site. Rousseau and Weber are critically
examined in this connection. In the pluralist notion advanced in this thesis the popular
will is expressed and realized in a plurality of institutional sites and modalities of
exercise. On this perspective parliamentary committees perform a function vital to the
constitution of popular sovereignty itself. They are indispensable to the formation by the
people of an accurate perception by it of what the Executive is doing in its name. Their
investigative work is thus constitutive of the formation of a democratic subject and will.
Parliamentary committees are thus central to the satisfaction of the conditions of the
deliberative dimension of democracy. On this definition, parliamentary committees must
in addition themselves conform to the principles of deliberation in their own practice.
This specifically deliberative conception of democracy is then further delineated by
distinguishing it from the aggregation – majoritarian perspective and defending it against
a variety of criticisms, including that of Chantal Mouffe.
With this conceptual and normative framework in place, the British and American
committee systems are examined in order to establish some reference points in terms of
the institutional practice of parliamentary committees. The focus then shifts to the
parliamentary committees of the South African Parliament. The constitutional and legal
foundation for parliamentary committees (in the South African system) is examined with
particular reference to SCOPA itself and the first five years of the new parliamentary
committee system identified as a period during which several South African
parliamentary committees, including SCOPA, effectively exercised their “oversight”
function. Once the Government’s SDP entered the scene all things changed. This thesis
examines the formation of the JIT, paying particular attention to the exclusion of the
HSIU and the interventions of the Speaker, Hon Frene Ginwala. It identifies in close detail all the flaws in the SDP procurement process as well as the contradictions and
lacunae in the final JIT Report itself. These are of such a magnitude as to render
unreasonable any claim to the contrary and in endorsing the Report SCOPA thus clearly
failed in its essential function. The notion of a threshold concept of reasonable adequacy
is introduced as limiting the conditions under which committee decisions can legitimately
be taken via majority voting. The argument is advanced that these were clearly not met in
the case of the SCOPA decision under discussion. The implications of this “collapse” of
SCOPA for South African democracy more broadly are then identified and discussed in
terms of deliberative democratic theory.
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The Euromarket and the making of the transnational network of finance, 1959-1979Kim, Seung Woo January 2018 (has links)
This thesis analyses the role of the Euromarket, an offshore market for Eurodollars or expatriate US dollars, in the re-emergence of global finance during the 1960s and 1970s. It charts not only its Cold War origins and the development of various markets for Eurodollars, but also institutions and policies that shaped them from the return to convertibility in 1958 to the ill-fated efforts to regulate the nascent market by international financial institutions. By examining the nature of Eurodollars as both a US and global currency, the thesis sheds light on the changing features of the governance of global finance and its relationship with the economic sovereignty of nation-states. It argues that the Euromarket underwent repeated contestations as politicians, bankers, and economists vested their political ambitions and cultural assumptions in it. The popular, academic, and policy debates challenged the speculative nature of Eurodollars which would destabilise the domestic as well as the international monetary system of the Bretton Woods system. Without a single monetary authority, the tendency of the Euromarket to transcend the order of capitalist nation-states constrained national governments’ capacity to control capital flows and the autonomy of domestic monetary policy. However, nation-states were not impotent but deliberately sought to exploit the liquid pool of capital in Eurodollars. It was not merely the US government that benefited from the seigniorage of Eurodollars and the City of London which was reborn as the international financial centre in the Euromarket. Continental European countries that were hesitant about European economic integration, the UK Labour government, developing countries in the Global South, and even the Communist bloc, resorted to the Euromarket for their national interests. The ambivalent attitudes of national governments and their conflict of interests resulted in the failure of coordinated efforts to introduce the rules of the game but facilitated the transnational network of finance in Eurodollars.
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The role of the department of water affairs and forestry in the empowerment of the Kei district council in the Eastern CapeMabunda, Gezani Samuel January 2002 (has links)
Masters in Public Administration - MPA / According to the Constitution of Republic of South Africa (Act 108 of 1996) it is the responsibility of local government to provide basic and effective water services to all consumers in its area of jurisdiction. The Water Services Act (Act 108 of 1997) further supports this concept and establishes the institutional framework for service delivery and an enabling environment for development of the sector. In the spirit of co-operative governance the department of Water Affair and Forestry is obliged to provide this support to local government around the issues of water services provision but this support needs to be located within the legislative laid out in local government legislation. The nature of capacity support to Kei District Council is that it requires intensive initial support to ensure that it is able to fulfil its service functions, including those outlined in the Water Services Act. This requirement for intensive initial support is due of the following: (a) Kei District Council was previously not responsible for water services, (b) it require support to set up structures and systems for managing and monitoring water Services, (c) it need to develop water services expertise, (d)The Transitional Local Government process places an enormous challenge on Kei District Council to gear up for its role as developmental local government, and (e) the Water Services Act has introduced new requirement and clarified the water services authority functions that municipalities are required to fulfil.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee 13 November 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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“Accumulation by Dispossession” by the Global Extractive Industry: The Case of CanadaKinuthia, Wanyee January 2013 (has links)
This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.
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