ABSTRACT This study sets out the understanding of the type of reconciliation approach used in Somalia, the participating leaders’ understanding, attitudes and actions towards the reconciliation as well as the role of civil society involved in the reconciliation in Somalia. the study used a qualitative abductive desk research methodology. The results based on secondary data drawn from the literature while the analysis has been used on John Paul Lederaches’ reconciliation approaches pyramid. The main findings explain that one level approach of reconciliation has been employed in Somalia, the former leaders' understanding, attitudes and actions have contributed to deepen the conflict, while the current leader's understanding, attitudes and actions seems to help promote national reconciliation in the country and the civil society role has been gradually mounting as the country has been under post conflict peacebuilding. The study identified three main issue are among the determinants of the reconciliation failure in Somalia firstly Somali protracted conflict would not have resisted if for example, the UN and international community had learned from the successful pragmatic reconciliations in the country. Secondly, it was also noted that as long as the supremacy of the clan politics continued, the role of civil society especially women would be compromised. And finally, the risk of reconciliation is greater in the involvement of the unscrupulous leaders.

There is an incredible plethora of research studies on Peace Operations, Peacebuilding, and Statebuilding Studies; however, the literature on the deployment of neighbouring forces in peacekeeping operations has not been as broad as in-depth as other studies. This thesis aims to contribute to intervention theories, especially when the neighbouring countries play a specific part. Thus, the thesis aims at closing specific theoretical and empirical gaps. In so doing, this thesis looks momentarily at the roles played by the colonial past's effects at the birth of the Somali state. However, the thesis compounds' main theoretical focus on examining the concept of peace and conflict theories and empirically analysing regional interventions, particularly Kenya's intervention into Somalia militarily and the UN adaptation of resolution 2036(2012) and its impact on Somalia’s peacebuilding and statebuilding efforts.

After the Cold War, international state-building has taken place in several countries as a response to ethnic conflicts. The dissolution of Yugoslavia was also characterized with ethnic conflicts, which ended after international interventions. The inter-ethnic violence destabilized the nexus between eponymous states, nationalizing states, and the minorities living in the latter. The international actors - primarily the EU and the US - involved in state-building saw consociational power-sharing arrangements as a key feature in multi-ethnic state-building processes, notably in post-war Bosnia, Kosovo, and Macedonia. Using Smith’s quadratic nexus and Germane’s “fifth element” as a theoretical framework, this thesis examines one segment of the nexus - the correlation of international relational field and national minorities relational field – in a ‘top down’ approach. Two central questions are asked: how have international actors influenced power-sharing arrangements in reaction to separatism; and how has the interplay between different ethnic groups from the same ethnic minority living in the same state affected power-sharing arrangements? These questions are addressed by engaging in a comparative case analysis of two ethnically divided states, namely Kosovo and Macedonia, having adopted consociational power-sharing arrangements under the international influence. The work in this thesis examines the international influence on power-sharing arrangements in reaction to separatism through three processes: international mediations, implementation of power-sharing arrangements into the constitutions and the functionality of power-sharing systems in practice. The thesis revolves around these central arguments: the role of international actors in reaction to separatism and the degree of local ownership in the drafting and constitutionalisation of power-sharing arrangements is reflected in asymmetric power-sharing arrangements between the two compared cases and on the functionality of the power-sharing systems; and, relationship between different groups of minorities from the same ethnicity living in the same state - “the sixth element” - has an impact on the functionality of power-sharing systems, giving rise to “the sixth element” as a new relational field within the quadratic nexus, proposed in this thesis.

2. Die Fortschritte der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Richtung des Ziels, durch externes Eingreifen in den Staatsaufbau des Kosovos Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft zu erwir-ken, sind trotz aller Teilerfolge geringer als erhofft. Auch zwölf Jahre nach der Interventi-on der NATO und der Errichtung der UN-Übergangsverwaltungsmission (UNMIK) bleiben drängende Probleme weiterhin ungelöst. Die fehlende politische Orientierung der UNMIK bzw. ihr widersprüchliches Mandat stellte sich als zentrales Hindernis des State-Building-Prozesses heraus, wobei die Klärung der Statusfrage lange offenblieb und sich das Prolongieren einer Entscheidung über die Statusfrage äußerst negativ auf den gesamten Prozess des State-Buildings auswirkte. Prominente Erklärungsmuster für die Rückschläge und Verzögerungen im State-Building-Prozess werden in den folgenden Ein-flussfaktoren gesehen: nationalistische politische Eliten, unfähige Staatsgewalt, passive Politik der externen bzw. internen Akteure, korrupte Personen, unprofessionelle politische und wirtschaftliche Eliten, den Staat schwächende parallele Machtstrukturen, Schatten-wirtschaftliche Praktiken ökonomischer Reproduktion.

2. Die Fortschritte der internationalen Gemeinschaft in Richtung des Ziels, durch externes Eingreifen in den Staatsaufbau des Kosovos Demokratie und Marktwirtschaft zu erwir-ken, sind trotz aller Teilerfolge geringer als erhofft. Auch zwölf Jahre nach der Interventi-on der NATO und der Errichtung der UN-Übergangsverwaltungsmission (UNMIK) bleiben drängende Probleme weiterhin ungelöst. Die fehlende politische Orientierung der UNMIK bzw. ihr widersprüchliches Mandat stellte sich als zentrales Hindernis des State-Building-Prozesses heraus, wobei die Klärung der Statusfrage lange offenblieb und sich das Prolongieren einer Entscheidung über die Statusfrage äußerst negativ auf den gesamten Prozess des State-Buildings auswirkte. Prominente Erklärungsmuster für die Rückschläge und Verzögerungen im State-Building-Prozess werden in den folgenden Ein-flussfaktoren gesehen: nationalistische politische Eliten, unfähige Staatsgewalt, passive Politik der externen bzw. internen Akteure, korrupte Personen, unprofessionelle politische und wirtschaftliche Eliten, den Staat schwächende parallele Machtstrukturen, Schatten-wirtschaftliche Praktiken ökonomischer Reproduktion.

Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes. / The effectiveness of reconstruction programs in post-conflict contexts Abstract The thesis aims at assessing the effectiveness of reconstruction programs intended to ensure for the economic recovery of countries emerging from civil war since the end of the Cold War. From the standpoint of the method used, this effectiveness is both evaluated through the relevance of the content and the organization of these programs with regard to the characteristics of the post-conflict economies, and through an assessment of their performances according to recovery indicators which are specific to this context. The economic causes of conflicts and the functioning of a wartime economy are analyzed because they influence the transition to an economy in the context of peace (chapters 1 to 4). An approach in terms of political economy (Stewart, Fitzgerald) comparing both horizontal and vertical inequalities and completed by Amartya Sen's approach contributes to the account of the specific characteristics of this type of context which the neoclassical theory is not enabled to grasp. The approach in terms of sustainable livelihoods (Chambers and Conways), of the vulnerability due to the context and of the institutional economy, provides a coherent theoretical framework in order to identify the economic features of post-conflict societies (chapters 5 to 7) and enables for the identification of the factors which block or slow down the process of economic recovery. The study of the configuration of reconstruction programs reveals the multiplication of actors which have different approaches, a lack of coordination in their work, and the formation of a substitute administration non-aligned to the fragile state (chapter 8). Closer ties between the programs and the observed characteristics enable for the evaluation of their effectiveness (chapter 9). The quantitative evaluation arrives at the conclusion that these programs are relative failures, especially due to their sluggishness. From the data available, the significance of some specific variables is observed (the return of populations, institutions, security). The qualitative analysis of the causes of this ineffectiveness reveals: Perverse effects due to the lack of coordination, analyzed through the transaction costs theory, the contingence theory, and the marginalist theory, more particularly in the labor markets, the administrative capacity, reveals a threshold of institutional capacities; Poor adaptation in the design and the implementation of the programs to the observed characteristics. Between the references towards the Marshall Plan and the absence of any exterior intervention, the analysis of this ineffectiveness concludes that some requirements should be adapted for each context.

This thesis examines the challenge of coordinating civilian and military efforts within a so-called ‘whole-of-government’ approach to stability operations. The empirical analysis focuses on British and American attempts to implement an integrated civilian-military strategy in Afghanistan and Iraq between 2001 and 2010. Unlike many existing analyses, the thesis consciously avoids jumping to the search for solutions to fix the problem of coordination and instead offers a nuanced explanation of why it arises in the first instance. Empirical data was gathered through personal interviews with a wide range of civilian and military practitioners between 2007 and 2011. Together with the in-depth study of official documents released by, and on, the defence, diplomatic and development components of the British and American governments, they provide the basis for a fine-grained analysis of obstacles to interagency coordination. The thesis offers a framework for analysis that is grounded in organisation theory and distinguishes between material, bureaucratic and cultural dimensions of obstacles to interagency coordination. It identifies organisational cultures as a crucial force behind government agencies’ reluctance to participate and invest in an integrated approach. The empirical chapters cover interagency dynamics within the government bureaucracy and in operations on the ground, including the role of specialised coordination units and Provincial Reconstruction Teams in the pursuit of coordination. The thesis concludes that stabilisation remains an inherently contested endeavour for all organisations involved and that the roles and expectations implied by contemporary templates for coordination clash with prevailing organisational identities and self-perceptions. These findings caution against the procedural and technocratic approach to interagency coordination that permeates the existing literature on the subject and many proposals for reform. While the thesis examines a specific empirical context, its conclusions have broader implications for civilian-military coordination and the quest for an integrated approach to security in the twenty-first century.

En s'appuyant sur un corpus de sources d'archives décidément vaste, et sur une ample bibliographie, cette recherche apporte plusieurs éléments novateurs à l'étude des échanges politiques et diplomatiques dans l'Italie du premier Quattrocento. Au fil des trois parties dont cette thèse se compose, l'analyse des sources (du point de vue non seulement des contenus, mais aussi linguistique) a permis quelques éclaircissements sur la guerre entre Florence et Venise contre Philippe Marie Visconti. L'importance de ce travail réside tout d'abord dans la fourchette chronologique prise en compte : les années Vingt du Quattrocento, en effet, sont quasiment absentes dans l'historiographie sur la diplomatie italienne à la Renaissance, un vide qui peut assurément être allégué à une polarisation documentaire conséquente (les sources d'archives se font plus riches à partir de la seconde moitié du siècle).Deuxièmement, le bassin documentaire a compris plus de 60 fonds d'archives, ce qui a donné à la recherche une base solide pour poursuivre l'enquête historique, grâce aussi à l'osmose et au dialogue établis entre les différentes sources.Quant aux résultats, au-delà du plan strictement événementiel, en ce qui concerne les phénomènes et les trajectoires nous avons pu identifier les évolutions politico-territoriales des puissances italiennes durant la première partie du siècle, bien avant, donc, le moment crucial de la 'Lega italica' (1455), qui est d'habitude vue comme le point de départ de toute analyse diplomatique. Il nous a été possible, par exemple, de remonter jusqu'à la source des liens entre Eugène IV et les Médicis ; ou de montrer les raisons et les enjeux de la montée de la Savoie en Italie ; ou, enfin, de mettre en exergue, au sein de la vie politique italienne, l'évolution de la présence pontificale, qui passa de la neutralité à la gestion des alliances diplomatiques. / Based on a large corpus of archival sources, and on an extensive bibliography, this research sheds a light on several innovative elements regarding the study of political and diplomatic exchanges in Italy during the first Quattrocento. Through the three parts of the thesis, the analysis of the sources (from the point of view not only of the contents, but also a linguistic one) has clarified the meanings of the war between Florence and Venice against Philippe Marie Visconti.The importance of this work remains first and foremost in the chronological range analyzed: the 1420s are almost absent in the historiography on Italian diplomacy during the Renaissance, a vacuum that can certainly be alleged at a documentary polarization (archives sources become richer from the second half of the century).Secondly, the documentary basin included more than 60 archive collections, which gave the research a solid basis for continuing the historical inquiry, as well as the dialogue established between the different sources.As for the results, beyond the strictly event-oriented plan, from the phenomenon point of view, we have been able to identify the political-territorial evolution of the Italian powers during the first part of the century, long before the crucial moment of the 'Lega Italica' 1455), which is usually the starting point of any diplomatic analysis.It has been possible for us, for example, to go back to the source of the links between Eugene IV and the Medici; or to show the reasons and the issues of the rise of Savoy in Italy; or, finally, to highlight, within Italian political life, the evolution of the papal presence, which shifted from neutrality to the management of diplomatic alliances.

For very long time the Kurdish population have aspired to create their own independent, sovereign and viable state. In 2017, a referendum was held in the Kurdish regions of Iraq, voting for that the Kurdish Regional Government was to become an independent state. This referendum created an extensive debate, particularly on the viability of a Kurdish State. Would an independent Kurdish State be able to become viable, and would a new democratic state in the Middle East bring peace and stability to the region, or only result in yet another devastating conflict in the area? This research will examine this particular debate through a qualitative meta analysis of newspaper articles published in different parts of the world using a state-building perspective. The findings of this research will identify the main arguments supporting and opposing the referendum. Those arguments will be analysed and discussed, as well as potential tendencies within the articles, analysing possible correlations between arguments expressed in the articles and official reactions by the respective states.

Le Mali a connu en 2012 un conflit qui est sans précédent, même s’il s’inscrit dans la lignée de plusieurs mouvements de rébellion des populations touareg de la partie nord du pays depuis l’indépendance. La crise qui en découle n’est pas résorbée encore. La reconstruction de l’Etat et le retour des populations malienne déplacées et réfugiées sont au coeur de la problématique du post conflit. Ces deux enjeux sont liés, et de longue date. La défaillance et la faiblesse de l’Etat malien, qui n’était pourtant pas considéré avant 2012 comme un Etat fragile, est une des causes des migrations forcées des populations du Nord. La crise depuis 2012 peut se lire comme la crise de l’Etat m alien, crise de légitimité, d’effectivité et d’efficacité. En étudiant la trajectoire des réfugiés maliens dans les camps de Abala et Tabarey-barey au Niger, en décryptant les conditions posées à leur retour, nous pouvons dessiner « en creux » un « besoin d’Etat » matériel et symbolique, exprimé de manière plus ou moins consciente par les réfugiés. Mais le processus de reconstruction de l’Etat malien, conditionné par la temporalité et les modalités de la sortie du conflit, façonné par les rapports de force internes et externes esquisse une toute autre réalité étatique. / In 2012, Mali experienced a conflict that was unprecedented even in a string of rebellious movements by the Touareg population since the country’s independence. The ensuing crisis has not yet been resolved. The reconstruction of the state and the return of the displaced and refugee populations of Mali are at the heart of the post-conflict problem. These two issues are related and have affected each other for a long time. The failure and weakness of the Malian state, which was not considered fragile before 2012, is one of the causes of forced migration of northern populations. The crisis since 2012 can be interpreted as the crisis of the Malian state: a crisis of legitimacy, effectiveness, and efficiency. By studying the trajectory of Malian refugees in the camps of Abala and Tabarey-barey in Niger; by decrypting the conditions laid down for their return, we can draw "in hollow" a "need of State" material and symbolic, expressed more or less consciously by the refugees. However, the process of reconstruction of the Malian state, conditioned by the temporality and modalities of the exit from the conflict, shaped by the internal and external power relations, sketches a completely different state reality.