M.A. (National Strategy) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

No description available.

International Telemetering Conference Proceedings / October 25-28, 1993 / Riviera Hotel and Convention Center, Las Vegas, Nevada / The first telemetry tracking system was desired in 1959 for the space program. Cost was of little concern. The tracking technique used was 3 channel monopulse which is still today, after all these years, the optimum in performance for any type of tracking requirement. Telemetry tracking really got off the ground in the early 1970's with the move from P-Band to S-Band for telemetry. In the design of early tracking systems, performance was on the top of the list, and cost was on the bottom of the list in establishing the design criteria. By the beginning of the 1980's cost was approaching performance in importance. Today, with the demise of the cold war and a considerable reduction in global threats coupled with the state of the world economy, cost has now reached the top of the list. The cost of a telemetry tracking system can be reduced by more than a factor of two by going to a single axis tracking technique. The lowest cost single axis approach heretofore has been the use of a cosecant squared (CSC²) distribution. To improve the efficiency of a single axis system and increase the overhead coverage capability, the use of a dual beam antenna has been widely used as another type of single axis approach. The dual beam technique involves additional costs since two tracking antennas are required. Except for satellite tracking, almost all telemetry tracking is performed at low elevation angles and, like it or not, multipath is there. The multipath fade varies from a few dB, to over 20 dB depending upon the reflecting terrain. Most general purpose systems should be designed for at least a 10 dB multipath fade. For all telemetry tracking applications, the multipath effect is completely negligible at elevation angles greater than 10 degrees. The Augustin-Sullivan Distribution, in effect, fades away the multipath margin as the multipath effect decreases. Because of the multipath phenomenon, an antenna beam should not be shaped at the one dB point as is the case with a CSC² distribution, but only needs to be shaped from somewhere between the 15 - 20 dB level based on the mission requirements. This involves a gain reduction from a pencil beam on the order of 1/2 dB or less, rather than the 3 dB reduction associated with the CSC² distribution. The Augustin-Sullivan distribution does not start shaping the beam until shaping is retired, and shapes the beam for constant altitude coverage from the horizon to zenith. For the first time, coverage is provided from the peak of the beam to directly overhead with a single antenna and a single axis rotator. When GPS information is available from the tracked vehicle, the Augustin-Sullivan distribution, with a single axis rotator and using the GPS-TRAK technique, results in the lowest possible cost alternate to autotracking.

Thesis advisor: Ronald K. Tacelli / This dissertation aims to examine the notion of 'human dignity' in Kant by means of a conversation with three Kantian scholars. One cannot understand Kant's notion of human dignity without placing it in the context of his moral thought. For this reason we look in Chapter One at the philosopher Roger Sullivan. His major work Immanuel Kant's moral theory includes a highly detailed treatment of human dignity. I shall present an analysis of his understanding within the context of his methodology and his general approach to Kant's moral philosophy. We look in Chapter Two at Susan Shell and her 'Kant on Human Dignity.' In addition to this, we consider Shell's methodology and some of her work on the early Kant where we find the roots of Kant's conception of dignity. Chapter Three addresses Oliver Sensen and his novel interpretation of Kant's use of the term 'dignity.' Utilizing the tools of Analytical Philosophy, he enters into dialogue with Kantian interpreters, suggesting that their understanding of dignity in Kant harbours elements at odds with Kant's thought and that they thus fail to grasp the radical nature of Kant's notion. In the final and Fourth Chapter, I try to bring these scholars into a conversation with each other. First, I show the strengths of each position and then, using insights of Sullivan, Shell and Sensen, I venture to ask whether one could not develop the notion of a phenomenology of dignity. I also consider whether in both Shell's and Sensen's account there is not an implicit dynamic at work, which suggests the necessity of transcendence and the Good. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2014. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Philosophy.

Thesis advisor: Alan Rogers / The following narrative traces the political lives of James Sullivan, Christopher Gore, Rufus King and John Quincy Adams, four Massachusetts men who were actively involved in the creation of state and national policy during the formative years of the new republic. Their years of public service bridged the critical period between the Revolution and the period of Democratic- Republican dominance. Because they knew each other so well, corresponded with one another on a regular basis, and held so many different state and national government posts, their lives provide an ideal vehicle to explore and better understand the changes that were taking place in post-Revolutionary Massachusetts. Their stories help trace the evolution of Massachusetts from a Federalist stronghold into a legitimate multi-party state firmly committed to the national union. The primary figure in this study is Sullivan, the oldest of the four men, who was the state's highest ranking Republican leader during much of the Federalist Era. A staunch opponent of the Federalist assumption that government should be in the hands of the natural gentry and ruling class, he spent his adult life promoting equal access to power. After serving as a member of the Massachusetts Provincial Congress from 1774 to 1776, Sullivan was an active participant in the creation of the new state government. He later served as attorney general for seventeen years, from 1790 to 1807, through several Federalist administrations and served as a member of state legislature for many years. He also was a member of the Supreme Judicial Court and, in the final years of his life, governor of the Commonwealth. Because he participated in or observed firsthand the most significant political events of his day, his words also help trace, as few others could, the gradual transformation of Massachusetts from a one party state to a multi-party state. His election as governor in 1807 was clear evidence of the growing strength of the Republican Party in Massachusetts and of the extent to which the emerging national consensus had grown. Christopher Gore, whose stature and perspective were more deeply rooted in the colonial past, stood in stark personal as well as political contrast to Sullivan. As a conservative Federalist who often served as spokesman for his party during this period, Gore was a major player in the Massachusetts legal community and government between the American Revolution and early years of the nineteenth century. He stubbornly adhered to the aristocratic belief that the government should only be managed by the propertied class and traditional ruling elite. Where Sullivan was a sentimental moralist who hated everything British, Gore was the stern and unyielding spokesman for the merchant class who seemingly admired everything British. Where Sullivan's father had emigrated from Ireland, the victim of oppressive Penal Laws, Gore's father was a Tory, who fled Boston with the British in March 1776. Though Gore himself supported the Revolution, he was never able to shed, or indeed temper, his attachment to Great Britain in later years. As perhaps the most passionate defender of everything British in the years after the Revolution, Gore's habits and customs reflected the old deferential order and embodied everything Sullivan opposed. Despite their personal and political differences, Sullivan and Gore shared a close personal friend. Rufus King was a longtime confidant of both men, corresponding with each of them over many years. Though King's habits and background were more similar to those of Gore than Sullivan, he was less rooted in the colonial past than his conservative friend. Though an ardent Federalist, he was respected by men on both sides of the political aisle and served not only as a bridge between the two parties, but as a bridge between the two branches of his own party. It is because he enjoyed such a close personal relationship with Sullivan and Gore, and corresponded with both men on a regular basis, that King provides a unique vehicle to explore the differences between the two parties during this critical period in Massachusetts political history. The fourth subject of this study is John Quincy Adams. The fiercely independent one-time Federalist, who, though born many years after Gore, King, and Sullivan, became active in politics at a very young age and crossed political paths with all three men on a regular basis. Although born a member of the second generation of political leaders, Quincy Adams identified with the first generation of Revolutionary leaders. He matured early and took part in every critical debate that took place after the ratification of the Constitution. From the beginning, Quincy Adams charted an independent course and played a critical role in the growth of the Republican Party. John Quincy Adams is particularly relevant to this study because his political transformation reflected the change in attitude that was taking place in Massachusetts and the country in the early years of the nineteenth century. He represented a commitment to the interests of union over sectional concerns. A strong and independent unionist throughout his life, Quincy Adams eventually came to represent a new global nationalism. In many respects, Quincy Adams was the `transition man' in post- Revolutionary America. The son of a colonial who was very much a product of the deferential society of the eighteenth century, young Adams came to embrace the principle of majority rule. His elevation to the highest political posts in the country marked the final stage in America's transition from colony to union to nation. James Sullivan, Christopher Gore and Rufus King each played significant roles in the establishment of constitutional government in Massachusetts and in the United States. Though he was considered a member of the so-called Hancock faction, a group viewed as primarily anti-Constitutionalist, Sullivan was an independent thinker. He would call for greater legal safeguards for the benefit of the more vulnerable and for the end of the practice of multiple office holding which had long been a tool of the ruling elite to maintain power and influence.   A vocal proponent of the national government before King, Gore and Hancock, Sullivan had long recognized the importance of strengthening the central government. His embrace of participatory government and of law aimed at protecting all classes of people naturally appealed to a wider audience would continue to contribute to the democratization of Massachusetts politics. With a new national government in place and a new political era begun, Sullivan, King, Gore, and soon Quincy Adams, were uniquely positioned to play significant, if competing, roles in the coming struggle. This narrative differs from other secondary works on post-colonial Massachusetts in several respects. Firstly, the significant role played by Sullivan in the growth of Republicanism in Massachusetts has been largely overlooked by historians. His persistent calls for equal access to power stood in stark contrast to the views of the Federalists who dominated Massachusetts government in the years after the American Revolution. His active participation in regional politics both during and after the Revolution helped the people of Massachusetts in their transition from colony to state. Furthermore, he was one of the first Massachusetts political leaders to insist on placing the new central government on a sound financial footing. Indeed, his call for a strengthened and sufficiently financed national government predated the efforts of Massachusetts Federalists, including King and Gore. He was, I contend, one of the first political leaders of either party to be considered a true `nationalist.' While Quincy Adams' support for Jefferson's Embargo and his conversion to Republicanism have been well documented, this work explores the link between Sullivan and Quincy Adams, and details the critically important role they played in the national debate over how to respond to British aggression towards American shipping and American sailors. Though Gordon Wood and other historians point to the Embargo as the single biggest failure of Jefferson and his Republican supporters, I contend the opposite is true. The Embargo highlighted the central difference between the two parties, and though it provided Federalists with a temporary victory, it also sowed the seeds of their defeat. The Embargo enabled men like Sullivan and Quincy Adams to clarify one of the central issues of the post-Revolutionary period, ... national honor. Though Paul Goodman correctly points out that Republicanism tapped into the growing sense of nationalism in the country, I carry the discussion further and detail the growing disconnect between the Federalist Party and the American people. Quincy Adams, in particular, articulated the need to announce to the world that the United States would not submit to foreign aggression. Furthermore, his call for a stronger and expanded union, even if it meant a loss of power and prestige for Massachusetts, would soon strike a chord with a growing majority of Americans. Quincy Adams personified the shift in the national mood and represented a new national perspective. When John Quincy Adams left the Federalist Party, many Americans left with him. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2011. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

An inventory of vascular plants was conducted in Steele Creek Park in Sullivan County, Tennessee from March 2013 to September 2014. The park covers an area of 892 ha and lies within the Ridge and Valley Province. The inventory of vascular plants documented 547 species of 323 genera and 101 families. Two hundred sixteen taxa were newly reported for Sullivan County. Tennessee Special Concern Species included Cardamine rotundifolia, Castanea dentata, Lonicera dioica, Allium tricoccum, Cypripedium acaule, and Panax quinquefolius. A single species, Juglans cinerea L., is considered a Tennessee Threatened Species. Vegetation patterns were studied quantitatively by installing 10 study plots within forest canopy gaps and a comparable set of 10 in areas with intact canopy. Plots within a canopy gap recorded more vascular plant diversity when compared to plots of intact canopy when unshared species were considered. Steele Creek Park provides a botanically rich area for future studies.

This study examines Channel One's influence on middle schools in Sullivan County, Tennessee. The purpose of the study is to investigate the views, feelings, and opinions of Sullivan County middle school teachers regarding the use of Channel One in their classrooms. The study utilizes data gathered from surveys and personal interviews from five middle schools in Sullivan County, Tennessee that subscribe to Channel One. Areas of data presentation include the uses of Channel One in each teaching classroom, the positive and negative consequences Sullivan County middle school teachers perceive Channel One has on their students, the effects of Channel One's advertising upon their students, and the overall satisfaction of teachers who use Channel One in their curriculum. Conclusions of the study emphasize the need for more teacher in-service training specifically for teachers who have Channel One in their classroom.

Thesis (M.A)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2006. / The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file viewed on (February 7, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

ABSTRACT THE MISSIOLOGY OF T. G. JOHN SULLIVAN WITH IMPLICATIONS ON CONTEMPORARY SOUTHERN BAPTIST STATE CONVENTION WORK Michael Allen Tatem, Ph.D. The Southern Baptist Theological Seminary, 2014 Chair: Dr. Adam W. Greenway This dissertation analyzes the missiology of T. G. John Sullivan, executive director-treasurer of the Florida Baptist State Convention since 1989, and provides implications of his missiology on contemporary Southern Baptist State Convention work. Chapter 1 introduces the need for this dissertation and provides the thesis, background, methodology, and limitations of the dissertation. Chapter 2 provides a brief biography of the life of T. G. John Sullivan. Sullivan was born on October 20, 1936, in Ansted, West Virginia. His early life, conversion and call to ministry, education, pastorates, and denominational work at the state and national levels are highlighted. Chapter 3 provides the biblical and theological foundations of T. G. John Sullivan. Sullivan's views of the Bible and his beliefs about God, the condition of man, and the atoning work of Christ are examined. Also presented are his beliefs about salvation, the Christian life, and doctrine of the church. Chapter 4 presents the missiology of T. G. John Sullivan and the practical application of that missiology in Sullivan's understanding of the Great Commission. The chapter presents a discussion of Sullivan's priorities of evangelism, church planting, and church health in the context of his views on church growth principles, cooperation, and partnership missions. Chapter 5 gives the implications of Sullivan's missiology on contemporary Southern Baptist state convention work. Special attention is given to the implications of the future of state convention work in light of the Great Commission Resurgence and the Imagine If . . . Great Commission Resurgence Task Force. Chapter 6 draws conclusions from the previous chapters. The conclusion provides a model of emphases of state convention work that will accomplish a Great Commission Resurgence among Southern Baptist churches.

Not available / text