MPhil / The concept of ‘new Englishes’ developed as a result of the relatively new perception of English as an adapting and evolving language within increasingly wider global contexts. According to McArthur (1992:688) the term “new Englishes” refers to "recently emerging and increasingly autonomous variet[ies] of English, especially in a non-western setting, such as India, Nigeria, or Singapore." Such varieties of English develop from an English, traditionally recognised as standard, to become distinctly individual: they retain some cultural and linguistic characteristics of the standard English but additionally represent and include many aspects of the culture and language of the country in which the new English functions. These new Englishes are lexico-grammatically sophisticated and as viable as any of the traditionally recognised standard Englishes. The “new languages” are used intranationally and internationally and so are not only a result of intercultural communication; they also facilitate and enable intercultural communication. This thesis investigates (i) Swazi English (SwE) as a ‘New English’ and (ii) the perceptions that Swazis themselves, as well as speakers from other language communities, have of SwE and its users. Swaziland is a landlocked country in the northeast region of Southern Africa and one of the last remaining monarchies on the African continent. English was introduced to Swaziland during the 1800’s and remained one of the official languages alongside siSwati after Swaziland achieved independence from Britain in 1968. English in Swaziland continued to develop despite increasingly restricted access to input from English first language speakers of British descent thus resulting in SwE developing independently of any external norm. SwE now appears to be a stable variety of English that is not only spoken but also written in newspapers, in government and legal correspondence and in the public relations documents of Swazi companies. The research for this thesis identifies a number of lexical, syntactic and semantic features of SwE that are different from those of standard British or American English. These features of SwE occur frequently and consistently in newspaper articles. Nevertheless, as indicated by the research results of this thesis, SwE continues to be perceived as an error-ridden second language variety rather than as a new English in its own right. Furthermore, the language prejudice is extended to users of SwE as many judge the intelligence, credibility and trustworthiness of writers of SwE negatively on the basis of linguistic features that cannot be indicators of character, skill or competence. This prejudice gives rise to stereotyping which is a barrier to effective intercultural communication.

This research work has several aims, demanded by a number of external and internal factors. First of all, it aims to identify Lala: whether it is simply a dialect of Tekela- Nguni, or perhaps the substratum Bantu language spoken in the eastern parts of Southern Africa since the fourth century of the first millennium A.D. on which every new migratory wave imposed its language (chapters one and two). The lexical-statistical method has been attempted (chapter three), but with mixed results. In fact, relexification is widely used in southern African societies, and this renders the identification of the core vocabulary a very difficult task. The result is that all that can be said is that Lala indeed shows the characteristics of a Tekela-Nguni language, but it is impossible to determine at this stage whether Lala is the mother or the daughter of Tekela. Another important aim, dictated by an earlier research by Wilkes (1981 ), was to compare the two main branches of Lala, called North and South Lala, to prove whether the differences between the two dialects are so wide as to justify a division into two separate entities or not. Here the verdict is emphatically negative. In fact the various stages of the research abundantly re-affirm the view that Lala is one language, with only marginal differences caused by the different linguistic environments: Zulu in the north and IsiZansi in the south. African societies in this part of the world have affirmed themselves in the realm of the written word only recently, i.e. during the last 150 years or so. The background culture of these societies is still vigorously oral, and this means that the spoken word is used for much more than simple communication of thought and feeling. Language is felt as the major binding element in a society that has seen constant political break-ups, upheavals, migrations, wars, attempted exterminations. This means that Lala, as a language or the dominant dialect of a group, is banded about as a cultural-historical flag around which people are proud to gather. This sense of unity is an emotion, a feeling, rather than a deep reality. The colours of the flag, or the distinguishing elements of the language, may be fading away, and only a core might be preserved. But this is quite enough to kindle emotions and to rally people. At least in areas where people are still proud of their cultural heritage. hnicity and language should not be the same, but most of the people interviewed (cf chapter two) felt very strongly that they were Lalas because they spoke Lala; and that they spoke Lala because they are Lalas. Their either glorious or sad histories are recorded in chapter two to demonstrate how Shaka's wars, and the Mfecane, forced them to leave their homeland and to migrate. The trauma of this latest migration is still felt so strongly that it is often superimposed and confused with the great migrations from Central and Western Africa that took place in mythological times, or very long ago. But through their histories, they keep alive their memories and the certainty of the unity of the Lala nation, even though it is now spread from Kranskop to Harding and IZingolweni. Chapter four examines the phonetics and phonology of the two Lala dialects in the context of Swati and Zulu. Lala is a Tekela dialect indeed, but with its own phonetic and phonological peculiarities. The same can be said with regard to the research exposed in chapter five, on the morphology of Lala compared to Swati and Zulu. The grammatical system among the three languages is extremely similar, and there is hardly any substantial difference between North and South Lala. This can also be said with regard to tonology (chapter six) The last chapter reflects on what has been achieved. The ancient Lala language, about which James Stuart stated in the 1920's that it was nearly extinct, is proving very strong and resilient. Possibly the very dynamism experienced in its ability to adapt to the colonial languages and the new material culture by assimilating many foreign lexical items, and that South Lala has adopted many words from IsiZansi, is proof that Lala has got a life of its own that cannot be taken for granted, nor extinguished. The more one is able to study the local languages, the more one dusts up some ancient treasure that needs to be admired and constantly re-valued. The functional word here is 'treasure': because all languages, as carriers of culture, are a treasure that together form the mosaic of our beautiful "Rainbow Nation". / African Languages / D.Litt et Phil.

Thesis (MLitt)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Linguistic scholars have been exploring an effective, contextual and multidisciplinary approach to language education, following the global increase in multilingual societies. This study aims to explore properties of writing related to genre-based literacy in Siswati as a first language for learners in South Africa in a multilingual context. The research is concerned with the properties of writing in Siswati at the high school level and the instruction associated with it. In reality, the educational context of the learners entails that English is the language of instruction or an educational lingua franca in all subjects in schools with learners who have an African language as home language, although English is a second language (L2) for most learners. Therefore, the learners’ first language (L1) is only taught as a subject. In this situation, learners and teachers are faced with problems of language (L2) proficiency. According to the South African language policy, all national languages spoken in South Africa should be prioritized in education. This study advances a proposal for a multilingual approach in education through genre-based teaching. Hence, this study presents an investigation of the implementation of genre in the home language classroom context in respect to the textlinguistic features of agricultural sciences genres. The genre-based theoretical framework and related methodology is explored and elaborated in this study with regards to how Siswati first language learners can be taught linguistic skills acquired in their mother tongue Siswati to writing in content subjects, e.g. biology. The methodology of this study involves the translation of six agricultural science texts for Grade 12 which are then analysed according to systemic functional linguistic (SFL) grammar. The study also investigates issues and challenges in multilingualism and Education policy. The findings of this study present support of the view of the transfer of genre-based skills in texts across the curriculum. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Taalkundiges het oor die afgelope jare ‘n doeltreffende, kontekstuele, multidissiplinêre benadering ondersoek tot taalonderwys, gegee die wêreldwye toename in meertalige gemeenskappe. Die studie het die doelwit om die eienskappe van skryf te ondersoek soos wat dit verband hou met genre-gebaseerde geletterdheid in Siswati, as ‘n eerste (huis) taal vir leerders in Suid-Afrika in ‘n meertalige konteks. Die navorsing hou verband met die eienskappe van skryf in Siswati op hoërskoolvlak en die onderrig daarmee geassosieer. In die werklikheid van die onderrig is Engels oorwegend die medium van onderrig in vakke in skole waar die leerlinge hoofsaaklik ‘n Afrikataal soos siSwati as eerste (of huis) taal het, alhoewel Engels ‘n tweede (of addisionele) taal is van die leerders. Gevolglik word leerders slegs in hulle eerste taal onderrig in die taalvak (van die spesifieke Afrikataal) self. In hierdie medium van onderrig situasie (waar leerders se tweede/ addisionele taal gebruik word vir die onderrig van inhoudsvakke) word sowel leerders as onderwysers gekonfronteer met die probleem van onvoldoende tweede taal (Engels) vaardigheid. Volgens die nasionale taalbeleid in Suid-Afrika, behoort alle nasionale tale in Suid-Afrika voorrang te geniet in onderwys. Hierdie studie betoog vir ‘n meertalige benadering in onderwys deur gebruik van die genre-gebaseerde benadering. Aldus, bied hierdie studie ‘n ondersoek van die implementering van teksgenres in die huistaal-klas konteks ten opsigte van die teks-linguistiese kenmerke van verskillende genres in landbouwetenskappe. Die genre-gebaseerde teoretiese raamwerk en verbandhoudende navorsingsmetodologie word ingespan in hierdie studie met betrekking tot hoe die tekslinguistiese vaardighede, onderrig aan siSwati eerstetaalleerders soos opgedoen in die onderrig van hulle huis (of eerste) taal, uitgebrei kan word na inhoudsvakke soos landbouwetenskappe. Die metodologie gebruik in hierdie studie behels die vertaling in Siswati (vanuit Engels) van ses landbouwetenskaptekste vir Graad 12, wat dan ontleed word volgens die sistemiese funksionele linguistiek (SFL) model wat onderliggend is aan die genre-gebaseerde benadering. Die studie ondersoek voorts vraagstukke en uitdagings rakende taalbeleid en –beplanning in onderwys. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie bied ondersteuning van die standpunt van die oordrag van genre-gebaseerde vaardighede in tekste oor die kurrikulum heen. / SiSWATI ABSTRACT: Bongcongcoshe betilimi bebasolo baphenya indlela yefufundzisa lulwimi lesebenta kahle, lohambelana nesimo, nalosebenta etifundvweni tonkhe letiniketwa esikolweni, kulandzela kutsi emhlabeni wonkhe jikelele sibalo semimmango lecuketse tive letehlukene netilimi letehlukene siya ngekukhula. Lombhalo uhlose kucwaninga timphawu letihambelana nelwati kutemfundvo eluhlangotsini lwekubhala ngekusebentisa tinhlobo temibhalo elulwimini lweSiswati, lolululwimi lwemdzabu/lwekucala kulabanye bafundzi eNingizimu neAfrika esimeni lesinetilimi letinyenti. Lombhalo lona ukhatsatwe yindzaba yekubhala kubafundzi belibanga lelisetulu, libanga lelishumi nakubili nendlela lebafundziswa ngayo. Ecinisweni, bafundzi basesimeni lapho khona Singisi sisetjentiswa njengelulwimi lwekufundzisa tonkhe tifundvo letinemtsamo noma ke lulwimi lolusetjentiswa esikolweni etifundvweni tonkhe kantsi phela Singisi akusilo lulwimi lebalumunya ebeleni labafundzi. Ngaleso sizatfu, lulwimi lwemdzabu lwalabafundzi lufundziswa kwangatsi lusifundvo phaca njenge lwati lwendalo yonkhana, isayensi. Esimeni lesinjengalesi bafundzi nabothishela bahlangabetana nebulukhuni ekucudzelaneni nalabanye babe basebentisa Singisi. Ngekubeka kwemitsetfo yetemfundvo eNingizimu neAfrika, tonkhe tilimi letisemtsetfweni letifaka ekhatsi tembuso wase Ningizimu neAfrika, tebachamuki, temdzabu, naletihlanganisa emave ngemave tinelilungelo leliphelele lekusetjentiswa esikolweni. Loku kusetfulo sendlela yekufundzisa leshwambakanya tilimi letinyenti, lesolo ingakacali kusetjentiswa. Kungako lombhalo uhlolisisa kutsi ingasetjentiswa njani indlela yekufundzisa ngetinhlobo temibhalo endlini yekufundzisa. Luhlaka lwemdvwebo wekufundzisa ngetinhlobo temibhalo kanye nendlela lekufundziswa ngayo kunconywe ngu (Christie na Derewianka (2008), (Knapp na Watkins (2005), (Martin na Rose (2008), (Rose na Martin (2012), na (Feez na Joyce (1998). Loluhlaka lubuke kutsi simo sivuma kanganani kutsi bafundzi labaceceshwe eSiswatini basebentise emakhono elulwimi lwemdzabu ekubhaleni etifundvweni letinemtsamo, njenge bhayoloji. . Indlela lelandzelwe ekusebenteni lombhalo ifaka ekhatsi kuhunyushwa kwetinhlobo temibhalo letisitfupha letitsetfwe encwadzini yelwati lwendalo kutekulima yelibanga lelishumi nakubili.Lemibhalo iyahlatiywe ngenhloso yekutfola emasu latfolakala elulwimini lweSiswati labhekene nekusebenta kwelulwimi nakukhulunywa ngekwakhiwa kwemisho, tinhlobo temisho, nekuhlanganiswa kwemisho; emasu lasetjentiswa ekwendluliseni tinkhulumo kubalaleli betigaba letehlukene, kanye nemasu ekuhlanganisa emagama kuze akhe umbhalo lonemcondvo lophelele nalovakalako. Ngetulu kwaloko, lombhalo lona uhlolisisa indzaba yekufundzisa leyengamela tilimi letehlukene kanye nemtsetfo wetemfundvo. Lombhalo wetfula indlela yekucecesha bafundzi ekubekeni imibono nemicabango yabo ephepheni, lekuyindlela lesebenta etifundvweni tonkhe letinemtsamo, letifundziswa etikolweni.Lombhalo futsi uphenculula luphikiswano netinsayeya letihambelana nekusetjentiswa kwendlela yekufundzisa lefaka ekhatsi tilimi letehlukene nemtsetfo wetemfundvo. Imiphumela yaloluphenyo kulesifundvo iniketa siciniseko sebukhona nekusebenta kwemasu lahambelana nendlela yekufundzisa ngekusebentisa tinhlobo temibhalo kulo lonkhe luhlelo lwetifundvo. Loku kugcwalisa inhloso yalombhalo lona.

Cotemporary museum theory calls for dialogue as a means of making museums multi-­‐ vocal and representative of larger audiences. Dialogue is seen to be a break with prior modernist practices and epistemology. However, in most cases what is meant by dialogue and how to implement it is not made clear. I proposed using the Community of Enquiry Approach to dialogue in the development of the Travelling Museum. The Travelling Museum is a community museum based at ‘The Centre’ on the land of the Swazi chief in Emjindini. I was concerned that labelling the community and associating the museum with the chief could perpetuate essentialised ideas of what it meant to be Swazi. I was also conscious of not wanting to be the ‘outsider expert’ and for the museum to be developed by the community it was intended for. It was for these reasons that I decided to employ the ideas of dialogue. While implementing dialogue through the Community of Enquiry, I started to question whether this method of dialogue could become normative, and whether it excluded or silenced certain members. I wanted to locate this approach to dialogue on a larger theoretical base, in order to understand how dialogue challenges and departs from modernism and moves into postmodernism. In order to do this in the Report I explore postmodern and modern theories of knowledge and difference. My research method is to use critical incidents. These are moments of noticing or jarring in my practice, which when interpreted allow me to interrogate theory and practice. The first incident questions my openness to the other where I raise concerns of relativism. The second and third incidents address issues of power and access in museums. I conclude by recommending a new role for the museum. No longer in a role of cultural authority, museums can take on the new role of artist. As an artist the museum can be multi-­‐partial and act as social commentator, provocateur and catalyst for change (Gogan, 2005, p.60 ).

This research work has several aims, demanded by a number of external and internal factors. First of all, it aims to identify Lala: whether it is simply a dialect of Tekela- Nguni, or perhaps the substratum Bantu language spoken in the eastern parts of Southern Africa since the fourth century of the first millennium A.D. on which every new migratory wave imposed its language (chapters one and two). The lexical-statistical method has been attempted (chapter three), but with mixed results. In fact, relexification is widely used in southern African societies, and this renders the identification of the core vocabulary a very difficult task. The result is that all that can be said is that Lala indeed shows the characteristics of a Tekela-Nguni language, but it is impossible to determine at this stage whether Lala is the mother or the daughter of Tekela. Another important aim, dictated by an earlier research by Wilkes (1981 ), was to compare the two main branches of Lala, called North and South Lala, to prove whether the differences between the two dialects are so wide as to justify a division into two separate entities or not. Here the verdict is emphatically negative. In fact the various stages of the research abundantly re-affirm the view that Lala is one language, with only marginal differences caused by the different linguistic environments: Zulu in the north and IsiZansi in the south. African societies in this part of the world have affirmed themselves in the realm of the written word only recently, i.e. during the last 150 years or so. The background culture of these societies is still vigorously oral, and this means that the spoken word is used for much more than simple communication of thought and feeling. Language is felt as the major binding element in a society that has seen constant political break-ups, upheavals, migrations, wars, attempted exterminations. This means that Lala, as a language or the dominant dialect of a group, is banded about as a cultural-historical flag around which people are proud to gather. This sense of unity is an emotion, a feeling, rather than a deep reality. The colours of the flag, or the distinguishing elements of the language, may be fading away, and only a core might be preserved. But this is quite enough to kindle emotions and to rally people. At least in areas where people are still proud of their cultural heritage. hnicity and language should not be the same, but most of the people interviewed (cf chapter two) felt very strongly that they were Lalas because they spoke Lala; and that they spoke Lala because they are Lalas. Their either glorious or sad histories are recorded in chapter two to demonstrate how Shaka's wars, and the Mfecane, forced them to leave their homeland and to migrate. The trauma of this latest migration is still felt so strongly that it is often superimposed and confused with the great migrations from Central and Western Africa that took place in mythological times, or very long ago. But through their histories, they keep alive their memories and the certainty of the unity of the Lala nation, even though it is now spread from Kranskop to Harding and IZingolweni. Chapter four examines the phonetics and phonology of the two Lala dialects in the context of Swati and Zulu. Lala is a Tekela dialect indeed, but with its own phonetic and phonological peculiarities. The same can be said with regard to the research exposed in chapter five, on the morphology of Lala compared to Swati and Zulu. The grammatical system among the three languages is extremely similar, and there is hardly any substantial difference between North and South Lala. This can also be said with regard to tonology (chapter six) The last chapter reflects on what has been achieved. The ancient Lala language, about which James Stuart stated in the 1920's that it was nearly extinct, is proving very strong and resilient. Possibly the very dynamism experienced in its ability to adapt to the colonial languages and the new material culture by assimilating many foreign lexical items, and that South Lala has adopted many words from IsiZansi, is proof that Lala has got a life of its own that cannot be taken for granted, nor extinguished. The more one is able to study the local languages, the more one dusts up some ancient treasure that needs to be admired and constantly re-valued. The functional word here is 'treasure': because all languages, as carriers of culture, are a treasure that together form the mosaic of our beautiful "Rainbow Nation". / African Languages / D.Litt et Phil.

D.Litt. et Phil. / The final objective of this study involves the acquisition of received French pronunciation on the part of native speakers of siSwati. However, considering the sole aspect of phoneticophonological competence in the context of foreign language learning needs to be justified. Hence, we explain which role phonology plays in contemporary linguistics (chapter I). Further, we commit ourselves in chapter II to accommodating foreign language phonology in the framework of contrastive linguistics. This results in testing the development of foreign language pronunciation against the contrastive analysis hypothesis. To support this, we evaluate the degree to which L2 learners inherit the well-established phonological representation of Ll in their attempt to communicate in a foreign language. Secondly, we are convinced that it is needful to consider the way in which our learners decode phonological intelligibility into observable phonetic facts. This leads us to analyse the physioacoustic "surface" features of our learners' basis of articulation. Accordingly, we justify why the analysis and comparison of the phonological systems involved are to be complemented by experimental analyses of the recorded speech data. The formant tracking of the vowels and selected spectrographic analyses of the consonants in chapters IV, V and VI allow us to show to what extent the phonological abstract of the languages involved are decoded differently according to the respective bases of articulation. To achieve this, we rely on adequate experimental analyses and 'statistical tests. The first Part of chapter V identifies and compares the vowel qualities of the two languages by means of their first two formants, while the second part investigates the spectrographic differences between the siSwati and French consonant charts. To become familiar with the physio-acoustic characteristics of the target language, we introduce the French articulatory setting in chapter VII. Turning to the final aim of our contrastive and corrective undertaking, we need to select the most beneficial method of diagnosing the characteristics of our learners' foreign accent. Moreover, we design corrective strategies that will help our learners attain faithful speech performance in the targetlanguage community. Therefore, chapter III assesses the extent to which the verbo-tonal method of corrective phonetics can be instrumental in overcoming siSwati-induced French. Further, the error analysis of the recorded interlanguage discourse results in designing ad hoc corrective strategies to be implemented (chapter VIII).

A combination of archaeology, written historical evidence, oral history and ethnography was used to investigate contact between Swazi communities in the eastern Mpumalanga lowveld and the colonial frontier during19th century colonial expansion into the area. Archaeological data was collected from two Swazi residential sites, Mekemeke and eKusoleni. Oral traditions indicate that these sites were occupied from the mid 1860’s to the mid 1930’s. Data from these sites were compared in an effort to explore the changes in contact between the Swazi and Westerners intensified over time. The incorporation of new types of material culture was selective and guided by internal dynamics. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Anthropology and Archaeology / unrestricted

"For a long time patriarchial African societies have denied women their rightful place in public life. There are certain cultural practices within these patriarchal societies, which impede the realisation of the human rights of women. Such cultural practices have impacted on the division of power and perpetuated the stereotypical roles of women within those societies. The diminshed status of women in public life does not accord with universal human rights norms and standards. The fact that Swaziland has not ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) makes it difficult for women to vindicate their rights within the United Nations (UN) structures. The right to participate in public affairs is recognised and enshrined as a fundamental human right in both universal and regional human rights instruments. The exercise of this right ensures that citizens, both men and women, have a say in the affairs of the government of their respective countries. The scope of this right includes the right to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections, which shall be by universal and equal suffrage held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors. The deeply patriarchal nature of the two kingdoms presupposes that social, legal and political power is mainly vested in men. With the exception of royal women, "commoner" women are often given inferior roles or none at all in public life. The number of women holding positions in public life in both kingdoms suggests that there is an inherent anomaly in the division of power. ... Chapter two of this study examines the legal and institutional framework regulating the right to participate in public affairs at international and regional level. It does so by identifying the international and regional human rights instrumetns governing the exercise of this rights. The chapter focuses on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) and the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women. It also discusses the role of the treaty bodies established under the ICCPR and CEDAW as well as the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. The third chapter examines the provisions of the national constitutions of Uganda and Swaziland, governing the right to participate in public affairs and the enforcement mechanisms created under those constitutions. It also analyses the political set-up in Buganda and Swazi kingdoms including the traditional set-up in Swaziland. Chapter four starts by defining culture and then goes on to explore the debate over the universality of human rights and cultural relativism. Beyond this debate, the chapter proposes a way for finding a common ground between the two theories. It then turns on to focus on cultures and traditional practices impacting on the rights of women to participate in public affairs in the two kingdoms. Chapter five gives a brief exposition of the role of roqyl women in both kingdoms. Here emphasis is on the roles of the queen mothers in both kingdoms, the role of the queen sister in Buganda and the princess of the country in Swazilnad. Finally, chapter six presents the conclusion of the study. This chapter also advances recommendations, which may be useful in assisting other traditional African societies in the full realisation of the right." -- Introduction. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

In order to achieve good apparel fit, it is necessary to identify, define and classify the size and shape of a population based on a combination of key body measurements (Petrova & Ashdown, 2008). Unrepresentative sizing systems ultimately lead to apparel fit problems which are further compounded by an unstandardised and ambiguous communication of sizing and fit within the apparel manufacturing sector (Chun-Yoon & Jasper, 1996; Winks, 1997; Simmons & Istook, 2004). According to Magagula and Zwane (2006), the sizing system used by the apparel industry in Swaziland is based on British anthropometric measurements taken in the 1940s; yet there is a significant variance in the body proportions and dimensions of different ethnic groups and within ethnic groups (Yu, 2004c:183). It is therefore predictable that young Swazi women would experience apparel fit problems with ready-to-wear apparel. Body forms are manufactured using body dimensions of the apparel manufacturer’s target market in order to yield satisfactory levels of fit. This is however not the case for the Swazi market, as very little current anthropometric data exists on Swazi women. As a result, small-scale apparel manufacturers encounter problems with regard to body forms that are not manufactured according to the shape of Swazi women. The aim of this research was therefore to identify and describe the most prevalent body shapes of young Swazi women using body dimensions, to identify and describe the body shapes of the currently used body forms through body dimensions, to describe and compare the most prevalent body measurements and proportions of young Swazi women and those of currently used body forms, and finally to test and evaluate the fit of the test garment which represents the most prevalent size and shape of the Swazi women, on the body forms. This study is explorative in nature as it helped to clarify a largely undefined area of body shape analysis in respect of young Swazi women. Under the quantitative research strategy, a survey research methodology was used. Anthropometric techniques and traditional tailor’s measurements were used to obtain body measurements for various dimensions of young Swazi women, and training in anthropometry was undertaken to ensure that the measurements were taken reliably and accurately. It emerges from the results of this study that the most prevalent body shape of young Swazi women is the triangular body shape, followed by the hourglass body shape, while the inverted triangle is the least common body shape. The two body form brands employed in this study on the other hand are found to bear different body shapes from each other. Though one brand appears to have the same shape as that of the most prevalent body shape of young Swazi women, it is apparent that there are notable differences regarding the degree of the body contours, i.e. the Swazi women are conspicuously heavier and more rounded at the hip area – as the measurement differences show. The expectation that this body form will offer a better fit to Swazi women as they have similar body shapes in principle, is not realised when the fit of the test garment is evaluated, due to the vast differences in the drop values. The fit problems that are predicted to be experienced by young Swazi women when using the body forms for pattern generation, based on the significant measurement differences, are indeed observed during the evaluation of the fit of the test garment on the body forms. The fit problems exhibited during the testing of the fit of the test garment based on the most prevalent body shape of young Swazi women on the body forms, are mainly due to a wider lower hip girth and shorter length proportions at the upper torso of the young Swazi women. The results of this study contribute to a better understanding of the body shapes that exist among young Swazi women and the fit problems that young Swazi women experience as a consequence of unrepresentative body forms being used in terms of size and shape. Furthermore, the need for all stakeholders in the apparel manufacturing industry to reach consensus on the standardisation and communication of sizing emerges as a step toward affording better fitting apparel to the Swazi women. / Dissertation (MConsumer Science)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Consumer Science / unrestricted

In this study the food habits of schoolchildren aged 11-15 years in three primary schools in Manzini, Swaziland were described and explored. Their eating patterns and the composition of their meals during the week and over weekends, together with their familiarity, consumption and preference rating of selected traditional foods were established. The school meal programme and other aspects of the school food environment were also included as part of the study. As there is limited information on the food habits of Swazi people in general, and no recent information available on the food habits of Swaziland’s primary schoolchildren, this study has contributed to filling a gap in the literature. Studies done in other sub-Saharan African countries on the food habits of schoolchildren have reported changes in their dietary intake due to migration, urbanisation, modernisation and Westernisation, processes also found in this country’s history. This explorative and descriptive cross-sectional study is deductive in nature and followed a quantitative research design. A self-administered, pre-tested survey questionnaire consisting of closed and open-ended questions was developed and completed by 300 Grade 5, 6 and 7 primary schoolchildren to determine their eating and consumption patterns. The results reflect a change in daily meal patterns from the traditional two meals to the Western-orientated eating pattern of three meals a day with in-between-meal snacking. In-between meal snacking was more common during the week than over weekends. For the majority of the respondents breakfast consisted of either bread or a soft porridge prepared from sorghum or maize meal and tea. Lunch and supper meals were markedly predominantly stiff maize meal porridge served with a legume dish, meat stew or a vegetable relish. Rice is increasingly being eaten for lunch (25%) and supper (35%). Both healthy and unhealthy food and beverage choices were consumed as in-between-meal snacks. This, together with the reported low vegetable, fruit and milk consumption by the majority, is a matter of concern. Most of the selected traditional foods and dishes listed were familiar and consumed by the majority of the respondents. Although some traditional foods and dishes received a low preference rating, the children preferred most of those listed with the exception, as could be expected, of the bitter tasting green leafy vegetables. Concerning the school food environment, results revealed that the majority brought money to purchase food items from vendors during break-times. With the exception of fruit and fruit juice, most of the food items for sale were products with a high fat, sugar or sodium content. Most of the respondents participated in the school meal programme. Although the schoolchildren were satisfied with the meals served, they could not be regarded as nutritionally adequate. This study not only provided empirical data on the food habits of this group of Swazi schoolchildren, but also gave valuable insights into the school food environment. The important role of the school environment in promoting healthy eating was once again confirmed. Based on the findings of this study recommendations and guidelines to promote healthy eating in Swaziland’s primary schools were formulated. / Dissertation (MConsumer Science)--University of Pretoria, 2014. / tm2015 / Consumer Science / MConsumer Science / Unrestricted