Une question centrale des recherches sur la lecture concerne la nature séquentielle ou parallèle de l’identification des mots pendant la lecture de phrases. L’hypothèse dominante postule que l’attention spatiale est allouée à un seul mot à la fois, et qu’avec cette contrainte, l’identification des mots doit forcément s’opérer de manière séquentielle. Cependant, un certain nombre de résultats suggèrent, au contraire, que l’attention spatiale peut être allouée à plusieurs mots à la fois, de manière distribuée. Cette attention disbribuée pourrait permettre l’identification en parallèle de plusieurs mots de manière simultanée, et les travaux présentés dans cette thèse cherchent à déterminer la viabilité de cette hypothèse. Notamment, nos travaux visent à préciser le niveau de traitement (visuel, orthographique, lexical, sémantique ou syntaxique) permis par cette attention distribuée. / This thesis addresses one of the most hotly debated issues in reading research: Are words processed serially or in parallel during reading? One could argue that this is primarily a question of visuo-spatial attention: is attention distributed across multiple words during reading? The research presented here suggests that attention can indeed be allocated to multiple words at once. It is further established that attention is a key factor driving (sub-lexical) orthographic processing. The next question, then, is whether multiple lexical representations can be activated in parallel. This thesis comprises a wealth of evidence for parallel lexical activation: firstly we have found that readers activate embedded words (e.g., ‘use’ in ‘houses’) alongside the word that is to be recognized, indicating that parallel lexical processing would occur even if readers could effectively focus their attention on single words. Moreover, we have found that semantic and syntactic categorization decisions about foveal target words are influenced by the semantic and syntactic aspects of surrounding words, even when all these words are presented for a duration shorter than the average time needed to recognize a single word. Hence, given that readers’ attention is spread across multiple words and that multiple lexical representations can be activated in parallel, it seems reasonable to claim that the reading system is in principle a parallel processing system.

xv, 169 p. ; ill. (some col.) A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / Improvements in neuroimaging techniques have made it possible to answer questions regarding the neural organization for the processing of syntax in normal participants. In this series of experiments we examined the effects of linguistic proficiency and age of second language acquisition on neural organization for syntactic processing. We examined these factors using two complementary methodologies: event-related potentials (ERPs), which affords a temporal resolution on the order of milliseconds, and functional magnetic resonance imaging (fMRI), with spatial resolution on the order of millimeters. In order to compare results across methodologies, we used an auditory syntactic violation paradigm with similar experimental parameters in each methodology. In Chapter II we examined neural organization for syntactic processing using ERPs in monolingual native speakers of higher and lower proficiency and found that violations elicited an early onset (100 ms) anterior negativity (EOAN) followed by a later positivity (P600) in all participants. Compared to lower proficiency participants, higher proficiency participants showed an EOAN that was more focal spatially and temporally, and showed a larger P600. These results were supported by a correlational analysis of a larger group of monolingual native speakers with a wide range of proficiency scores. This analysis also found a relationship between childhood socioeconomic status and the recruitment of the EOAN over left hemisphere sites, raising the hypothesis that effects of childhood experience may endure into adulthood. In Chapter III we examined the effects of age of acquisition on syntactic processing by recruiting a group of late learners of English who were matched for proficiency with a group of monolingual native speakers from Chapter II. While in native speakers violations elicited a robust EOAN, this effect was absent in the late learner group, suggesting that early language exposure is important for the recruitment of resources reflected in this effect and independently of proficiency. In Chapter IV we gathered ERP and fMRI data from monolingual native speakers and found proficiency differences in the recruitment for syntactic processing of left inferior frontal and posterior regions. We linked proficiency-related modulations in the different ERP syntactic effects to specific fMRI activations indexing syntactic processing. / Adviser: Helen J. Neville

[pt] A presente tese investiga como falantes cultos do Português Brasileiro (PB) processam, na compreensão de sentenças, a concordância com verbos inacusativos e DP sujeito posposto. Tem como aportes teóricos a Teoria Gerativa, a Psicolinguística, e também a Sociolinguística Variacionista. Exploram-se, em um conjunto de 04 experimentos, os fatores distância linear entre o sujeito e o verbo, animacidade do sujeito, número do DP sujeito e saliência verbal. Os resultados, discutidos à luz de uma visão da computação linguística em tempo real no processo de compreensão, revelam nuances sobre o processamento de concordância em construções inacusativas, com variações dependentes da tarefa e das variáveis investigadas. No primeiro experimento, uma tarefa de julgamento de aceitabilidade com escala Likert de 5 pontos, em que foram manipulados o fator distância entre o sujeito e o verbo e o fator número do DP sujeito (verbo mantido sempre no singular), obteve-se efeito principal das duas variáveis e efeito de interação. Valores mais altos foram atribuídos às condições de distância curta e às condições com DP singular, tendo sido a condição curtaDPsing a mais bem avaliada. As condições curtaDPpl e longaDPpl. tiveram valores mais baixos, não tendo sido verificada diferença significativa entre elas. Por se tratar de um experimento de julgamento, em que a frase permanecia acessível por 8s, é possível que as condições de incongruência de número entre o verbo (sing.) e o DP sujeito (pl.) tenham gerado estranhamento apesar da distância. O segundo experimento foi uma tarefa de leitura automonitorada, com as mesmas variáveis independentes do experimento 1. Houve apenas efeito principal da variável número do DP sujeito, com preferência por DPs singulares. Na comparação entre pares, destaca-se a diferença entre longaDPsing e longaDPpl, com tempos mais altos associados à segunda condição, indicando, pois, uma preferência pelo singular. O terceiro experimento consistiu em uma tarefa de repetição de sentenças, em que o tempo do verbo (presente vs. passado) e a animacidade do DP sujeito foram tomados como variáveis independentes. A previsão de que DPs animados induziriam mais repetições congruentes não foi confirmada. Tempo verbal como fator principal não foi significativo; contudo foi observada diferença entre presente e passado no contraste entre DPs não animados, com maior número de repetições corretas para passado não animado, o que aponta para um efeito de saliência fônica. O último experimento fez uso da técnica de escuta automonitorada e avaliou efeitos do número do verbo e da animacidade do DP sujeito. Não houve efeito principal das variáveis nem efeito de interação. Esse resultado, analisado em conjunto com os obtidos nas demais tarefas, sugere que situação de oralidade favorece a aceitabilidade tanto da concordância redundante como da não redundante, em uma possível manifestação de bilinguismo interno (Roeper, 1999) dos falantes do PB. Conclui-se, pois, que as variáveis investigadas têm efeitos complexos na computação das relações de concordância com inacusativos e que operações e demandas cognitivas mobilizadas pelas tarefas experimentais bem como as modalidades de apresentação dos estímulos (escrito ou oral) impactam o processamento dessas relações, apontando para um contexto de diglossia. / [en] This thesis investigates how educated speakers of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) process subject-verb agreement with unaccusative verbs and postverbal subject DPs during sentence comprehension. It draws on the theoretical frameworks of Generative Grammar, Psycholinguistics, and Variationist Sociolinguistics. Through a series of four experiments, it examines factors such as the linear distance between the subject and the verb, subject animacy, DP subject number, and verbal salience. The results, analyzed within the framework of real-time linguistic computation, reveal nuances in the processing of agreement in unaccusative constructions. These variations depend on the task and the variables investigated. In the first experiment, an acceptability judgment task using a 5-point Likert scale, the factors of subject-verb distance and DP subject number were manipulated (the verb was always singular). The main effects of both variables and interaction were observed. Higher ratings were assigned to shortdistance conditions and singular DP conditions, with the short-singular-DP condition receiving the highest ratings. In contrast, the short-plural-DP and long-plural-DP conditions received lower ratings, with no significant difference between them. Since the sentence remained accessible for 8 seconds, incongruence between the verb s number (singular) and the DP subject s number (plural) may have caused dissonance despite the distance. The second experiment involved a self-paced reading task using the same independent variables as in Experiment 1. A main effect of DP subject number was observed, with a preference for singular DPs. Pairwise comparisons highlighted differences between the long-singular-DP and long-plural-DP conditions. Higher reading times were associated with the latter, indicating a preference for singular forms. The third experiment consisted of a sentence repetition task that examined verb tense (present vs. past) and DP subject animacy as independent variables. The prediction that animate DPs would induce more congruent repetitions was not confirmed. Verb tense as a main factor was also not significant. However, a difference emerged for inanimate DPs, with more correct repetitions observed for inanimate past tense forms. This finding suggests a possible phonological salience effect. The final experiment employed a self-monitoring listening task to evaluate the effects of verb number and DP subject animacy. No main effects or interaction effects were observed. When considered alongside the other tasks, these results suggest that oral contexts favor the acceptability of both redundant and non-redundant agreement, potentially reflecting an instance of speakers’ internal bilingualism (Roeper, 1999) in BP. It can be concluded, therefore, that the investigated variables exert complex effects on the computation of agreement relations in unaccusative constructions and that the cognitive operations and demands elicited by the experimental tasks, as well as the modalities of stimulus presentation (written or oral), influence the processing of these relations, pointing to a context of diglossia.

The ability of the brain to change and form new neuropathways after brain injury is remarkable. The current study investigates the brains ability to form new pathways for language processing following traumatic brain injury (TBI), specifically a left temporal lobectomy. Two subjects participated in this study; one participant with TBI and one age-matched control. Sentence stimuli consisted of four types: semantically correct, semantically incorrect, syntactically correct, and syntactically incorrect. Participants underwent a fMRI scan while the auditory stimuli were presented in four blocks. Participants were asked to record if the sentence was correct or incorrect by pressing the corresponding button. It was found that reaction times for both the participant with TBI and the control were longer for the incorrect conditions. The participant with TBI generally had longer reaction times compared to the control participant and had more errors. During the fMRI scans, patient movement occurred. The block design was not set up to account for movement. Due to this factor, imaging results are questionable. While there were differences between the participant with TBI and the control participant, these differences are expected to be much larger in someone with this degree of brain injury. It is recommended for further studies to be conducted in this area with a revised block design to account for patient movement.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Fluent sentence comprehension requires the automatic application of grammatical principles, in combination with other kinds of information, to a linear input string. The latter can vary greatly in complexity, and it has been observed that structures that involve non-adjacent relationships (non-local dependencies) cause particular processing difficulties, for even fluent readers. This thesis focuses on the potential role that L1 transfer plays in processing non-local dependencies in the L2. Although L1 transfer has been demonstrated in a variety of L2 domains (Juffs, 2005), the degree to which L1 syntactic properties influence the L2 in real-time processing remains an open question (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). A better understanding of L1 influence on L2 processing has important implications for emerging models of L2 sentence processing and SLA theory in general. This thesis examines L1 effects on the processing of L2 English relative clauses. It builds on established models of L1 relative clause processing (e.g., Gibson, 1998) and focuses on the asymmetry observed in the processing of subject versus object relative clauses. Research has shown that L1 individuals find object relative clauses more difficult to process than their subject counterparts (King & Just, 1991), and off-line L2 research suggests that this asymmetry might hold for L2 processing as well (Izumi, 2003; Kanno, 2007). This thesis will examine the asymmetry on-line and investigate the role that L1 background plays in on-line performance, both alone and in combination with other processing factors. The main data are on-line performance by three groups of advanced-level learners of L2 English from Japan, China, and Vietnam. The three L1s differ from English to varying degrees in relative clause formation, as reflected in head direction, branching direction and the presence of an overt relative marker. Vietnamese shares all three properties with English and Japanese none, leading to the prediction that the Japanese learners will have the greatest difficulty, as evident in the largest subject/object asymmetry in processing times. Evidence for the effect of L1 syntactic properties on L2 processing will be sought in a set of studies that compare processing outcomes for these learners across key individual difference factors in L2 processing, working memory capacity, lexical processing efficiency, and proficiency. The effect of non-structural information, in the form of animacy contrasts and frequency effects, on L2 syntactic processing across the L1 groups will also be examined. By systematically examining group differences across these key factors, the degree and nature of potential L1 influence on the processing of these non-local dependencies can be better assessed. Three groups of advanced-level L2 English learners from China, Japan, and Vietnam, a group of intermediate-level learners in Japan, and native English controls participated in the data collection. Participants were first tested on a battery of individual difference measures that established language proficiency and general processing skill for individual participants and groups. On-line reading data of relative clause structures were then collected and reported in a set of five studies. Study 1 examined reading when the target structures contained high frequency content words, which minimized word recognition demands. Advanced L2 learners took longer to read object relative clauses, and the difference was the greatest for the Japanese group. Study 2 revealed that the subject/object asymmetry and L1 influence evident in Study 1 disappeared when word recognition was effortful, as in sentences with low frequency words, suggesting that L1 syntactic influence may only be evident when lexical processing is relatively automatic. Study 3 examined the effect of proficiency differences on processing outcomes by comparing performance by Intermediate and Advanced Japanese learners. The Intermediate learners showed no subject/object asymmetry in sentences with high frequency words, providing further evidence that processing efficiency is a key factor when considering possible L1 effects in L2 processing. Study 4 demonstrated that advanced L2 learners benefited from animacy cues in on-line processing, with the difficulty associated with object relative sentences and the L1 effect evident in sentences with animate head nouns neutralized in sentences with inanimate head nouns. The findings indicate that L2 learners may rely on lexical information as an alternative to syntactic knowledge in some cases. Finally, Study 5 compared processing performance on full or reduced relative clauses to examine both the influence of L1 syntactic properties and L1 structural frequency biases on L2 processing outcomes. Although the influence of frequency information was not evident, the results suggested that the availability of an overt relative marker in the L1 affected L2 processing outcomes. Overall, the results provide some support for the view that L1 background influences the processing of complex syntactic structures in the L2, a finding consistent with Juffs (2005) but contrary to Clahsen et al. (Clahsen & Felser, 2006b). However, the effect is sensitive to a range of factors, which appears to support the claim by the latter that L2 learners may rely more on lexical-semantic information than L1 individuals.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-05-13T12:17:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessacristinadearaujo.pdf: 1306440 bytes, checksum: de01a0603451122bff6ee752d2078172 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-06-27T20:09:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessacristinadearaujo.pdf: 1306440 bytes, checksum: de01a0603451122bff6ee752d2078172 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-27T20:09:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 vanessacristinadearaujo.pdf: 1306440 bytes, checksum: de01a0603451122bff6ee752d2078172 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-03-01 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Este estudo tem como objetivo investigar a influência da prosódia no processamento sintático de sentenças que possuem ambiguidades estruturais temporárias, conhecidas na literatura psicolinguística como sentenças Garden-Path. Assim, toma-se como hipótese de trabalho que os ouvintes nativos do Português Brasileiro (doravante PB) utilizam as pistas prosódicas como facilitadoras no processamento sintático das sentenças em estudo. Quanto à abordagem teórica utilizada, assume-se o modelo proposto por Corrêa (2006; 2009) que integra teoria linguística, mais especificamente o Programa Minimalista (CHOMSKY, 1995; 1999) com modelos de processamento linguístico como o Bootstrapping Fonológico (MORGAN & DEMUTH, 1996; CHRISTOPHE et al., 1997). Considera-se ainda a Fonologia Prosódica (NESPOR &VOGEL, 1986) que fundamenta a concepção de interface entre os níveis prosódico e sintático. A fim de encontrar evidências a favor da hipótese assumida neste trabalho, foi desenvolvida uma atividade experimental, tendo como base o estudo de Gayle Dede (2010) em língua inglesa. Ouvintes nativos do PB foram expostos a pares de sentenças lexicalmente idênticas, porém com contornos prosódicos distintos. Nas frases (a) utilizaram-se verbos com dupla transitividade como acordava em “Enquanto a mãe acordava os filhos faziam seu café”, seguidos de expressões que podem ser interpretadas como complementos destes (os filhos no exemplo). Já nas frases (b), utilizaram-se verbos intransitivos como caminhava em “Enquanto a mãe caminhava os filhos faziam seu café”, nas quais as expressões que os seguem não podem ser interpretadas como complementos. Os contornos prosódicos, tanto em (a) quanto em (b), levavam a interpretação da expressão temporariamente ambígua, ora como sujeito do verbo da oração principal (condição (P1)), ora como complemento do verbo da oração subordinada (condição (P2)). Os resultados encontrados vão ao encontro da hipótese inicial de que as pistas prosódicas exercem influência no processamento sintático de sentenças Garden Path. / This study investigates the influence of intonational phrase boundaries on the restriction of the syntactic processing of sentences which have temporary structural ambiguities, known in psycholinguistic literature as Garden Path sentences. The working hypothesis is that native listeners of Brazilian Portuguese (BP) uses prosodic cues, more specifically, phonological phrase boundary cues to facilitate the syntactic processing of these sentences. As for the theoretical approach, we assume the model proposed by Corrêa (2006, 2009) that integrates linguistic theory, specifically the Minimalist Program (CHOMSKY, 1995, 1999) with models of language processing as the Phonological Bootstrapping (MORGAN & DEMUTH, 1996; CHRISTOPHE et al., 1997). We also adopt the conception of interface between the prosodic and syntactic levels proposed by the Prosodic Phonology (Nespor & Vogel, 1986). In order to investigate the role of prosodic cues in the syntactic ambiguity resolution, we developed an experimental activity, based on Gayle Dede experiments (2010). BP native listeners were exposed to pairs of lexically identical sentences but with different prosodic contours. In the sentences (a) intransitive subordinate verbs were followed by plausible direct objects as in While the mother woke up the children prepared the breakfast. In the sentences (b) intransitive subordinate verbs were paired with implausible direct objects as in While the mother walked the children prepared the breakfast. Both sentences were unregistered in two prosodic conditions in which the critical segment (the children) were produced as an direct object of the first verb (P2 condition) or as the subject of the second verb object (P1 condition).The results support our hypothesis that prosodic cues facilitate Garden Path sentence syntactic processing by BP native speakers.