La distinción entre copulativas ecuativas (p.e. Ana es la única mujer) y predicativas (p.e. Ana es una mujer) se basa en criterios sintácticos. En las ecuativas, la concordancia de género entre el sujeto y el complemento no es obligatoria (p.e. Pepe era la chica de azul sentada allá) y éste se reemplaza por un pronombre nominativo (p.e. Pepe es el chico sentado allá/Pepe es él). En las predicativas, la concordancia de género y número entre el sujeto y el complemento, aparentemente, es obligatoria (p.e. Ana es linda/*-o,*-as,*-os) y éste se reemplaza por el indeclinable lo (p.e. Ana lo/*ella/*la/*le es). Propongo que estos datos sirven de base para postular que ecuativas y predicativas no comparten una estructura sintáctica común en el español. Perelstvaig (2000), a partir de datos del ruso y del italiano, explica que la diferencia entre predicativas y ecuativas se debe a que las primeras incluyen una Cláusula Reducida (CR) cuyo núcleo es una categoría funcional predicativa (Ø) (p.e. cópula [FDet-(Ø)-FN]) y las segundas no tienen tal núcleo (p.e. cópula [FDet₁-FDet₂]). En la misma línea, Haegeman (1994) propone que las predicativas incluyen una categoría funcional –concordancia de género y número (Conc)– en su CR (p.e. cópula [FDet-(Conc)-FN]) y las ecuativas no. Los datos del español no sostienen ambas propuestas ya que no es posible argumentar que en las CRs de las predicativas hay una categoría funcional: no hay necesidad de concordancia de género (e.g. el león(i.masc) es [t(i), una fiera(fem)]) ni de número (e.g. los cuchillos(i.masc) son [ti, una amenaza(fem)]). Por otro lado, la literatura no reconoce que las ecuativas presentan una semejanza con las predicativas: no hay necesidad de concordancia de género (e.g. Ellas(fem) son los invitados(masc) disfrazados de esa mesa). Sánchez y Camacho (1993) plantearon una diferencia estructural entre ecuativas y predicativas; pero su explicación es incompleta porque no incluyen las restricciones de Caso que se imponen a los nominales. Mi propuesta sí considera tales restricciones y se basa en: a) la exigencia teórica de que los nominales deben estar marcados con Caso y b) la evidencia interlingüística proveniente de lenguas como el sinhala, el islandés, el árabe, el latín y el ruso, que marcan con Caso los nominales de las copulativas; a diferencia de éstas, la marcación de Caso en español se hace evidente en la distribución pronominal. Propongo que el patrón casual ecuativo es NOM-NOM (p.e. Ana es la monja/ Ella es la monja/Ana es ella) y que el patrón predicativo es NOM-Predicativo(PRE). PRE es un nuevo rasgo que el indeclinable lo evidencia (p.e. Ana es una monja/Ella es una monja/Ana lo es). Crucialmente, los datos de la copulativas rusas en pretérito (Perelstvaig,2000) presentan ambos patrones; pero en vez de PRE el Caso es Instrumental (INS) (p.e. (NOM)[Oleg] cópula (NOM)[direktor] en las ecuativas, y (NOM)[Oleg] cópula (INS)[direktorom] en las predicativas). En español, el rasgo NOM y el rasgo PRE de los nominales postcopulares se licencian mediante la operación Agree (Chomsky 2000,2001). El rasgo NOM se licencia gracias a T° y el rasgo PRE se legitima gracias a Asp°, núcleo de la FAsp propuesta por Zagona (2002), que es parte del verbo aspectual ser.

Space syntax has been considered to be an important theory and analytical tool to study the correlation between spatial configuration and human social activities. But its traditional Axial Model has limitations in representing street. The conclusion got form Axial Model，that spatial configuration of street network can well predict the traffic flow, has been widely doubled. In order to testify the conclusion, the thesis sets out to use Axial, Stroke and Named Street Models to model and analyze Hong Kong street network. Our research methodology is first to create and study different models of street network in pilot study area- Kowloon peninsula of Hong Kong, from the perspectives of space syntax theory and properties of complicated network. Through the pilot study, tentative correlations and conclusions could be derived, which are verified through the case study of whole street network of Hong Kong by taking samples from three different sampling criteria. Through analysis, we find out that local integration best correlates with vehicle flow, and this correlation is called predictability of street network. Through comparisons of different models in terms of predictability, we conclude that stroke model has the best ability to predict vehicle flow. By analyzing the axial model of Hong Kong street network and comparing its result to early study, we prove that axial model does have limitations to represent street network. Also we find out all models of street network have properties of small world network and scale free, from the topological studies of these models. In the research of this thesis, we develop an extension of ArcGIS, named Axwoman 4 in order to calculate and extract space syntax parameters from different models. And important implementation algorithms are introduced in this thesis. The thesis is summed up at the end, and future research directions are given.

Although the syntax of the left periphery of the Irish clausal architecture has been the subject of considerable research within the generative paradigm, many questions remain unresolved. The general goal of this thesis is to explore some of these understudied territories. Specifically, I consider two distinct, but ultimately related phenomena: headless relative clauses and dependent verbal morphology. I will make four major claims: The first two concern the syntax (and semantics) of the headless relative clause. First, despite the fact that the particles that appear in resumptive relative clauses and in headless relative clauses are morpho-phonologically identical as aN, headless relative clauses are derived by movement, not by means of resumption, and thus the particles in these two constructions are not the same. Second, headless relative clauses are amount relative clauses, in the sense of Carlson (1977); and thus I claim, adopting Grosu and Landman's (1998) notion of complex degree, that the element that undergoes A$'$-movement in a headless relative clause is a complex degree, causing degree-abstraction in the semantics. The maximalization operator then applies to the degree-abstracted relative CP. I argue that it is this operator that triggers the appearance of the particle aN in the headless relative construction. The latter two claims concern the morphosyntax of the left periphery of Irish syntax: First, I claim that there are two tense features in a single finite clause domain of Irish, and that the so-called dependent forms of irregular verbs are the surface realization of the two tense features. This account provides a stepping stone to my final claim that a feature agreeing with the maximalization operator, but not the operator itself, is realized in the headless relative particle aN and that the particles found in resumptive relative clauses and in headless relative clauses are in fact distinct Vocabulary Items and thus they are homophonous. This thesis thus fills a gap in the descriptive account of Irish syntax, and provides new insights to the theory of relativization.

How is the logical form of a sentence expressed in natural language? This thesis examines in detail wh-questions and negative polarity items in Japanese and English in an effort to pin down a number of issues related to this question. / Chapter one introduces some of the basic notions of current syntactic theory within which the discussion in this thesis takes place. The chapter also contains basic syntactic properties of wh-questions and negative polarity items in English and Japanese. / Chapter two advances a cooccurence restriction condition on wh-questions and negative polarity items. The condition to be introduced is referred to as the Linear Crossing Constraint (LCC). Assuming with Saito (1992) that scrambling can be undone at the level of logical form, it is argued that the LCC applies to the surface form of a sentence. Various consequences that follow from the LCC are also discussed. / Chapter three argues that wh-phrases and negative polarity items undergo movement in the logical form component of grammar. The discussion in this chapter is dependent on the scope facts involving these grammatical constructions. / Chapter four is concerned with the Subjacency Condition. Nishigauchi (1992) proposes that movement in the logical form component is constrained by the Subjacency Condition in much the same way as movement is in the overt component. It is shown that the relevant sentences pointed out by Nishigauchi should be accounted for by a condition on logical form representations. / Chapter five deals with why certain instances of scrambling can be undone in the logical form component but others cannot, as observed by Takahashi (1993). / The aim of Chapter six is to develop an account of the distribution of adjunct wh-phrases, such as why and naze. It is pointed out that naze shares a number of characteristics in common with negative polarity items and floating quantifiers. I argue that there is only one specifier position per functional head. / Chapter Seven extends the theory developed in Chapter six to another set of data. It is argued that the distribution of floating quantifiers can naturally be captured under the proposed theory. / The final chapter concludes this thesis by pointing out some consequences of this theory.

This thesis is concerned with the syntactic properties of cleft constructions in Japanese within the Principles and Parameters framework with some consideration of the Minimalist Program. The constructions in question are divided syntactically into two sub-parts, a focus element and a presuppositional clause. This thesis claims that the focused element's position is not derived via a process of movement such as scrambling, but is instead base-generated in a predicate position occupied by a single constituent. Presuppositional clauses of clefts are argued to involve movement of a null operator, which is analyzed on a par with topicalization. This is supported by various syntactic parallelisms between cleft and topic constructions in this language. While the presuppositional clause is marked by a nominalizer, it is shown that it does not project a nominal category; in this sense, cleft constructions are analogous to head-internal relative clauses. Furthermore, one of the most interesting properties of the cleft construction, the syntactic phenomenon of 'connectivity', is closely examined. I propose that long-distance cleft constructions in Japanese have peculiar structures: a null operator originates adjoined to the highest complement clause, and its thematic position is occupied by pro. This analysis is supported by empirical facts which involve binding relations, weak crossover effects, interactions with another A'-dependency, and clefting adjunct PPs. It is shown that these types of resumptive A '-dependencies are observed across languages as well as in different constructions within the Japanese language. Finally, the discussion is extended to so-called sluicing in Japanese. This thesis observes similar syntactic behavior in sluicing and clefts, which leads to the argument that sluicing sentences are derived from cleft constructions.

This thesis proposes that there are two kinds of clauses: indexical clauses, which are evaluated with respect to the speech situation; and anaphoric clauses, which are evaluated with respect to a contextually-given (anaphoric) situation. Empirical motivation for this claim comes from the clause-typing system of Plains Cree, an Algonquian language spoken on the Canadian plains, which morpho-syntactically distinguishes between two types of clauses traditionally called INDEPENDENT and CONJUNCT orders. In the current analysis, the INDEPENDENT order instantiates indexical clauses, and the CONJUNCT order instantiates anaphoric clauses. After laying out the proposal (chapter 1) and establishing the morphosyntax of Plains Cree CPs (chapter 2), the remaining chapters discuss the proposal in detail. Chapter 3 focusses on the syntax and semantics of indexical clauses (Plains Cree’s INDEPENDENT order). Syntactically, I show that there is an anti-c-command and an anti-precedence condition on indexical clauses. Semantically, I show that indexical clauses are always and only evaluated with respect to the speech situation, including the speech time (temporal anchoring), speech place (spatial anchoring), and speaker (referential anchoring). Chapter 4 focusses on the syntax and semantics of anaphoric clauses (Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT order). Syntactically, I show that anaphoric clauses must always be either preceded or dominated by some other antecedent clause. Semantically, I show that the value of temporal/spatial/referential dependent elements within an anaphoric clause is determined by an antecedent. Chapter 5 turns to the syntactic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there are three classes: chained clauses, adjunct clauses, and mediated argument clauses. I provide two kinds of diagnostics that distinguish these classes, and explore the consequences of this classification for argument clauses and complementation. Finally, Chapter 6 proposes a semantic subclassification of Plains Cree’s CONJUNCT (i.e., anaphoric) clauses. I propose that there is a direct mapping between the morphology and the semantics: one complementizer encodes presupposition of the proposition, the lack of a complementizer encodes a-veridicality of the proposition, and one complementizer is semantically unspecified (the elsewhere case). This means that Plains Cree’s clause-typing is fundamentally concerned with how the truth of the proposition is represented.

This dissertation examines how information structure is represented in the different components of Japanese grammar. Each chapter investigates how topic/comment structure and focus/background structure are manifested in a given component of the grammar; that is, in phonology, syntax, and discourse/semantics. In chapter 2,1 investigate the interaction of syntax and prosody. I introduce the End-based analysis proposed by Selkirk &Tateishi (1988, 91) and propose certain revisions in order to accommodate a broader range of empirical facts than has previously been discussed in the literature. I show that presentational focus and contrastive focus are phonologically distinct and that contrastive focus overrides phonological phrasing. I then demonstrate that the system of focus projection proposed for stress languages such as English and German applies to Japanese. I show that focus projection takes place in the syntactic component, prior to mapping into prosodic structure, from the head of the phrase to its sisters (cf. Rochemont 1996) In chapter 3, I establish the discourse function of wa-marking in Japanese, extending Buring's analysis of sentence topics. I demonstrate that the discourse function of wa-marking parallels that of the L H * contour (B-accent) in English, and claim that wa-marking is equivalent to T-marking in the model of Biiring (1998). As such, wa-marking can be viewed as one of the discourse strategies available in Japanese for ensuring that a given assertion is congruent - that is, appropriate - to the question under discussion. In chapter 4,1 investigate the representation of information structure in syntax. I propose a phrase structure for Japanese based on a universal hierarchy of functional categories. I then divide the syntactic structure of Japanese into two major syntactic domains, which I call the topic domain and the comment domain. I show that both sentence topics and contrastively focused constituents must not be inside IP, which is identified as the comment domain. I further argue that subjects outside IP must be wa-marked unless contrastively focused. I conclude that syntactic structure is discourse-configurationally based. To conclude, I discuss the architecture of the grammar that emerges from the proposal defended in each chapter of this dissertation.

The most popular sentence analyses are: syntactic and semantic. Syntactically the sentence can be analyzed according to the three types: traditional, structural and transformational. Semantically the sentence can be analyzed according to the process types and inherent and non-inherent semantic functions. Such processes as Material, Mental, Verbal, Relational, and Existential can be distinguished. However the participants as Agents, Affected Patients, Effected Patients, Beneficiary, Recipients, Attributes, Sayers, and Verbiage can be attributed to the processes mentioned above. It can be also distinguished Circumstances but they are non-inherent functions which can be further subdivided into non-spatial (Instrumental, Comitative, Manner, Reason, Purpose, Result etc.) and spatial (adessive, superessive, inessive, ablative, elative, delative, sublative, illative, allative). The aim of the research is to analyze the realization of non-spatial functions in English. / Populiariausios sakinio analizės yra sintaksinė ir semantinė. Sintaksiškai sakinį galima analizuoti pagal tris tipus: tradicinį, struktūrinį ir transformacinį. Semantiškai sakinys gali būti analizuojamas pagal procesų tipus arba pagrindines bei pasirenkamąsias semantines funkcijas. Prie pasirenkamųjų semantinių funkcijų yra priskirti Sirkumstantai, kurie gali būti skirstomi į dvi pagrindines grupes: neerdvinės ir erdvinės funkcijos. Darbo tikslas yra išanalizuoti neerdvinių funkcijų raišką anglų kalboje.

Within a theoretical framework that combines generative X-bar syntax (Chomsky 1986), a compositional interpretive semantics and elements of Aristotelian logic, this thesis studies the nature of the syntactic and semantic constituents involved in the subject-predicate relations of elementary sentences containing 'be'. Interpretation is characterized in terms of the entities of various types that speakers intend to refer to and the various ontological types that the referents are said to belong to. 'Be' is analyzed as a single lexical item. This analysis unifies all syntactic functions (e.g., auxiliary, copula, main verb) and all "senses" of 'be' (e.g., definitional, equative, predicative, etc.). Conceptually, 'be' in English is an explicit sign of attribution. The propositional content of simple sentences of the form (NP be XP) is the attribution of a certain ontological type or types to the referent(s) of the subject NP. Although the value of postulating a single ontological category to account for all the entities that speakers can refer to and talk about (such as an Aristotelian substance) is questionable, nevertheless, such categories and types seem pertinent for linguistic analysis. With respect to linguistic inference, pronominalization, and question words, an analysis based on ontological types is shown to be more explanatory than one based on the assignment of a fixed set of thematic relations to arguments.

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