The aim of this thesis is to describe the rise of the Tea Party movement in the United States. By using a known theory within social movement studies, the political process theory, this thesis look into the factors that could have played a role in the rise and fast mobilization of the Tea Party movement. The political process theory consists of three parts and hence looks into both the political structure of, in this case, the United States, how mobilizing structures have been used and into the cultural framing used by the Tea Party to create their identity. In order to bring structure to the thesis, the three theory parts have been transformed into analysis models. These give a very good idea of all the factors that could have played a part and therefore also a good way to describe the rise of the Tea Party movement. The research confirm what the political process theory says, that the Tea Party movements rise came at a time when there were a mix of factors at play, both structural and cultural, creating an opportunity that the Tea Party took. The Tea Party’s fast mobilization can be seen as a result of the combination of factors present at the time. The methods used in this thesis are qualitative data analysis and process tracing.

The 2010 freshman class bears an uncanny resemble to their idealistic counterparts from 1994. Their campaign rhetoric, motivations and beliefs are almost interchangeable. The triumphs and especially frustrations and failures of their first terms also bear stark similarities. Most critically, the freshmen's conservative agenda suffered a disappointing electoral rebuke in their first elections as incumbents. Both the 1996 and 2012 presidential year congressional elections halted the respective momentum of the Republican Revolution and the Tea Party. The lessons of the 104th Congress offer many lessons to the freshmen of the 112th, namely that ideological "revolutions" in America (in this case, those of a conservative nature) struggle to deal with the challenges of governing. This thesis will examine and compare the rhetoric and motivations of the freshmen during their initial campaigns, and the triumphs and tribulations of their first terms in a city that is resistant to sudden and sweeping changes. The title of this work, "Taking Back America," reflects the sense of urgency and gravitas that spiritually united both classes of freshmen. The personal observations recorded in Linda Killian‘s The Freshman (1998) and Robert Draper‘s When the Tea Party Came to Town (2012) form the foundation of this examination, which focuses entirely on the U.S. House of Representatives.

The Tea Party Movement (TPM) has emerged as an important player in United States politics by promoting fiscal conservatism, limited government, free market economics, and Constitutionalism. Candidates championing these TPM values have had some successful campaigns, particularly in the 2010 congressional primary and general elections. In doing so, TPM candidates focused their attacks on President Obama and his supporters in Congress, drawing attention to the increase in government spending and the growing budget deficit. The niche focus of the TPM combined with the strength of the U.S. two-party system and voters' partisan loyalties may limit the long-term effectiveness of the group. An analysis of campaign rhetoric from a sample of successful TPM House candidates highlights similarities in language used by the sampled TPM candidates in conveying TPM values. The discussion of similar economic and political climates of the Progressive (Bull Moose) Party and the Tea Party Movement eras provides for a historical comparison from which to predict the future of the TPM. In sum, this thesis suggests that the Tea Party Movement will likely expire with an improved economy and the conclusion of Barack Obama's presidency. / Master of Arts

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Master of Arts / This thesis explores how public figures associated with the Tea Party movement used rhetoric to create and perpetuate ideas about who "real" Americans are, what they believe, and how they should act. I analyze books by Sarah Palin, Newt Gingrich, Glenn Beck, and Jenny Beth Martin to demonstrate how they premise "real" American identity on whether or not individuals are perceived to hold a particular set of moral values and beliefs. I ultimately suggest that their rhetorical strategies primed the American public for anti-democratic rhetoric and led to the election of Donald Trump.

La Pennsylvanie est un État complexe dans sa géographie économique, urbaine et raciale et, partant, dans les comportements électoraux de ses citoyens. Cette thèse examine la manière dont le Tea Party s’y est organisé et les modes de mobilisation qu’il a adoptés. Fort d’une tradition conservatrice souvent sous-estimée, l'État de William Penn constitue un bon observatoire pour étudier l'évolution et les mutations du mouvement conservateur et de son bras armé électoral, le Parti républicain. L’observation de terrain démontre que le Tea Party ne peut pas être appréhendé indépendamment d’une large galaxie de groupes nationaux et locaux, de think tanks, de médias avec lesquels il entretient des relations souvent conflictuelles.La thèse met en lumière la mutation d’un mouvement social médiatisé en une mobilisation politique dont les efforts se concentrent à l’échelle fédérée et locale. Rétifs à toute institutionnalisation, les groupes locaux voudraient restituer aux citoyens des processus de décision que l’appareil républicain aurait confisqués à son profit. Stratégie d’entrisme, pressions sur les élus, travail idéologique d’organisations de terrain, action concertée au Congrès ont fait glisser le centre de gravité du GOP vers un conservatisme pour lequel la capacité à nouer des compromis pour gouverner est disqualifiée. En dépit d’une force militante en recul, la nébuleuse Tea Party soumet idéologiquement le mouvement conservateur et le Parti républicain à de fortes pressions qui ne sont pas étrangères à la confusion qui caractérise la situation politique actuelle du pays. / Pennsylvania is a complex state in its economic, urban, and racial geographies, accordingly complex is the electoral behavior of its citizens. This thesis examines the ways in which Tea Party groups in Pennsylvania mobilized and organized. The often overlooked conservative tradition of William Penn’s state makes it an excellent case study to examine the evolution and mutations of the conservative movement and of its electoral arm, the Republican party. The fieldwork conducted in this thesis shows that the Tea Party cannot be understood without taking into account a great number of national and local groups, think tanks, and media personalities with whom it often has chaotic relationships.This work focuses on the evolution of a visible social movement into a political mobilization that targets the state and local levels. Local Tea Party groups, who are opposed to any form of institutionalization, fight to snatch power from the hands of the GOP establishment to give it back to the voters. Gradual infiltration of the Republican party, constant pressure on elected officials, ideological work conducted by advocacy organizations, and concerted action in Congress have driven the GOP towards a brand of conservatism that rejects any idea of compromise in governing. Despite a drop in the number of activists, the Tea Party movement has subjected the conservative movement and the Republican party to heavy ideological pressure, which partly explains the current confusion in the country’s political landscape.

Ce mémoire étudie les conditions d’émergence du mouvement Tea Party. Nous cherchons à savoir si la mobilisation a été facilitée par la présence d’opportunités politiques, telles que proposées dans la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux. À l’aide d’une analyse de contenu, il a été possible d’observer trois opportunités dans une période comprise entre février 2009 et octobre 2010. Dans cette même période, il a été aussi possible d’identifier la fréquence et la nature de la mobilisation, qui prend la forme de protestations et de réunions informelles. Nous en arrivons à la conclusion que ces opportunités étaient présentes lors de l’émergence du mouvement social. En effet, la présence d’enjeux spécifiques, d’une division partisane ainsi que d’alliés coïncide avec une augmentation substantielle de la mobilisation. Les élections de mi-mandat semblent avoir transformé un mouvement axé sur les protestations vers une action politique conventionnelle. / This thesis looks at the emerging conditions of the Tea Party movement. Our main effort was to know if the mobilization has been facilitated by political opportunities, as theorized by the social movement framework. By using a content analysis method, it was possible to observe three opportunities in a period between February 2009 and October 2010. During this period, it was also possible to look at the frequency and the nature of the mobilization, which takes the form of protests and informal meetings. I find that these opportunities were there during the emerging phase of the Tea Party. It is reasonable to think that the presence of specific issues, division within political coalitions and support of allies explain the substantial increase of the mobilization. Those external conditions seem to have turned a protest-based movement into a traditional political movement, eager to win the 2010 midterm elections.

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Doctor of Philosophy / Department of Sociology, Anthropology, and Social Work / L. Susan Williams / This study is about two grassroots political organizations that formed prior to the 2012 presidential election in the United States, each concerned with the nation's economy, corporate favoritism, government involvement, and growing income inequality. The study outlines an historical account of a culture of control, and then analyzes actions of two contemporary protest organizations – The Tea Party, known as politically conservative; and Occupy Wall Street (OWS), characterized as liberal – as the national election unfolded. Each group sought to change the political landscape and influence the outcome of the presidential election, but with competing messages and very different approaches. Seeking change from the inside, The Tea Party emphasized limited government regulation of the market economy. OWS intended to crumble the system by outside resistance and demanded government attention to economic inequality. Field research and content analysis provide insight into behaviors, beliefs, and actions of each group, which, in turn, identify efforts to resist the status quo. Content analysis of print news provides evidence of state responses toward each group, while also offering insight into media framing and public influence. Finally, a survey of official responses from host communities reveals specific efforts to control protest organizations, ranging from acts of diplomacy to violent opposition. Findings demonstrate how roles of the Tea Party and OWS are not always in conflict, such as media often portray; for example, both groups contested corporate control. The Tea Party met token success, but stopped short of influencing top echelons. OWS brought attention to system inequities, but failed to maintain significant pressure; instead, participants were criminalized for acts of protest. Ironically, in the end, both groups' efforts reinforced the culture of control they sought to resist. Theoretically, a cultural criminology framework, integrating symbolic interaction and social control, demonstrates how structural constraints oppose grassroots political efforts.

2008年在金融海嘯強襲下，各國政府均藉由大量的公共支出手段來挽救汲汲可危的經濟，加上諸種社會福利方案紛紛出爐，致使各國公共支出在短期間急速飆升，讓長期公共支出規模趨勢在原已呈現上升情況下，更是雪上加霜。 影響公共支出規模擴大之成因相當多，本論文以政府職能的變遷及鮑莫不平衡成長模型二方面來探討。首先，政府職能的擴張或緊縮，將直接影響公共支出規模的大小。自20世紀後，政府肩負著公平、效率、穩定及成長的重任，相對的公共支出規模即不斷的擴增，其中採偏重社會主義國家較講求自由主義國家尤為明顯，及以社會福利及醫療保健的支出增加為多。另外，由鮑莫不平衡成長模型可知，相較私部門，公共部門服務的提供較不受技術改善或經濟規模的影響，但工資水準又會隨著私部門生產力的提升而逐步上揚，因此相對單位成本會提高，加上對公共部門的需求具有高所得彈性及低價格彈性的特性，致使政府的公共支出會不斷的增加。 一向以自由主義著稱的美國，面臨金融海嘯，亦是選擇以大量的公共支出方式挽救經濟，加上歐巴馬政府上台後為落實競選承諾所增加的福利支出，造成美國政府債臺高築，並引起民間組織TEA PARTY (茶黨)的不滿。茶黨認為天下絕没有白吃的午餐，政府公共支出規模不斷擴增，在債務鏈的因果之下，最後勢必由納稅義務人來買單，加上政府權力之擴大，同時也意謂著個人自由之縮小，有違美國建國先賢在《獨立宣言》和《美國憲法》中所確立的「保護個人權利，限制政府權力」的理念和立國之本。所以，茶黨堅決主張公共支出規模應受到控制。最後，冀望同樣有公共支出擴大的我國能以美國茶黨的主張及訴求為藉鑒。