This thesis started with one question: “how could we make the legal system more fair for more people?” One possible answer is given to that question in the four chapters that follow: we can achieve a more fair and efficient legal system by providing our citizens with a basic level of legal literacy. That basic education includes a general knowledge of the structure and foundation of law, its content and purpose and finally the role of the people within political systems supporting different kinds of legal theories. I have argued that such education will increase people’s interest about legal matters while encouraging them to take a more active role with regards to legal matters. Often emphasized in this thesis is the role of interpretation within law. I’ve argued that the central role of interpretation in law could serve as an advantage for the citizens given that they sport the belief that they could bring out positive changes within their society and provided that they become motivated to take action based on that belief. The first step in achieving such changes is increasing legal literacy, an intricate part of which would be to show ordinary citizens the many subtlties that exist at different levels of law. People’s awareness of such subtleties accompanied with further institutional changes which would allow them to seek legal advice at an affordable rate and in different ways – as suggested in chapter four of this thesis - should help prevent many legal troubles from arising in the first place, thereby leading to a more fair and efficient legal state: one in which less injustice is seen and more resources are spent on issues that cannot be helped.

No description available.

Våldtäkt är ett ständigt aktuellt ämne samtidigt men även ett som man gärna undviker att tala om det. Sverige är det land som har värst statistik när det gäller våldtäktsbrottet, vilket kan bero på flera olika anledningar som dock inte kommer att undersökas närmare i uppsatsen. De flesta våldtäkterna sker inom hemmets väggar, därför förefaller det uppseendeväckande att de inomäktenskapliga våldtäkterna kriminaliserades i Sverige så sent som på 1960 talet. Uppsatsen tar upp hur resonemangen kring genus, manligt, kvinnligt och rättsligt gick när sexualbrottskommittén, lagrådet och dess remissinstanser samt första och andra riksdagskammaren utredde den eventuella kriminaliseringen. Uppsatsen förhåller sig till genusteori, kriminologisk historia över de inomäktenskapliga våldtäktsbrotten samt andra teorier som kan förklara företeelsen.  Resultaten visar ett allmänt motstånd mot att kriminalisera de inomäktenskapliga våldtäkterna i de flesta instanserna. Det mest frekvent förekommande argumentet är att ett dylikt brott har svårt att komma till samhällets kännedom samt att det är svårt att bevisa. En låg tilltro förärades det kvinnliga könet då man menade att de skulle utnyttja lagen till sin egen fördel i skilsmässoprocesser eller vid illegitimt abortbehov.   Ett visst resonemang kring könens olikhet och samhällelig förändring kan skönjas hos en av källorna. Idéer som kan tänkas ligga bakom förändringen och motarbeta de gamla föreställningarna framkommer även hos vissa. Kvinnans sexuella frihet började diskuteras av en del organ. Uppsatsen öppnar dörrar för ytterligare forskning då man kan undersöka vilken genomslagskraft 1962 års brottsbalk fick när det gäller inomäktenskaplig våldtäkt och våldtäkt överhuvudtaget eftersom en del trodde att våldtäktsbegreppet skulle förlora sin slagkraft om man inkluderade de inomäktenskapliga våldtäkterna.

Constitutive rhetoric focuses on the idea that in times of historical crisis, speakers possess the ability to repair the language of the community and reshape the identity of the community. This dissertation relies upon the concept of constitutive rhetoric to examine the Supreme Court’s reapportionment and redistricting decision. By employing constitutive rhetoric, the Supreme Court reacts to the crisis of representation because of malapportionment and redistricting to transform our Constitutional republic to a Constitutional democracy and, further, to debate competing visions of representation and democracy necessary to sustain political life and the democratic experience. Chapter I offers readers a literature review on constitutive rhetoric, a literature review on reapportionment and redistricting, and presents readers with an outline of the dissertation. Chapter II provides a brief history of redistricting in the United States since Colonial times, the development of apportionment and redistricting law at the state court level, and the Supreme Court’s invention of a rhetorical tradition in apportionment and districting law before the Reapportionment Revolution. In the last section of Chapter II, I argue that the Pre-Revolution Supreme Court cases weakened the authority of the rhetorical tradition of judicial deferment. Chapter III examines the Supreme Court’s decision in Baker v. Carr, which reconstitutes the authority of the judiciary in apportionment and redistricting law by redefining the meaning of voting rights and the political questions doctrine, as well as reconceptualizing the law behind voting rights. Further, this chapter outlines the new role of the judiciary in American society and the ethos of judicial restraint that is to guide apportionment and redistricting cases. Chapter IV examines the development of the new rhetorical tradition in apportionment law from the Reapportionment Revolution cases of Gray v. Sanders, Wesberry v. Sander, Reynolds v. Sims, and the rest of the Supreme Court cases form the 1960s. In this new rhetorical tradition, the Supreme Court reconstitutes the American republican to create a legal and moral American democracy, a form of government that rests on the development of the democratic experience and the expansion of the right to vote at the local, state, and federal level. Chapter V examines the Supreme Court cases during the 1970s and the 1980s where, because of their ideological divisions, the Justices offer the American people competing visions of representation and democracy in an attempt to gain interpretive dominance for their visions. Finally, Chapter VI examines the Supreme Court’s decisions from the 1990s and 2000s. In these decisions, the Justices debate the best means to achieve racial reconciliation through apportionment and redistricting law and the best formation of democracy to secure that reconciliation.

This thesis explores the research questions: How did African Americans cope with the oppressive system of legal segregation? How did they survive and raise their families? What were African Americans’ everyday interactions with whites like during legal segregation? What coping and resistance strategies did they utilize to survive? Using case studies from nearly 100 in-depth interviews with elderly African Americans between the ages of 50-90 in the Southeast and Southwest, I use qualitative methods to detail and analyze the experiences of elderly African Americans. This thesis explores how the exploitation and oppression of African Americans during legal segregation were enshrined by means of racial violence and discrimination in every aspect of American society. Much of the racial violence was legitimized and essential to the routine operation of legal segregation in the United States. Building on the work of Jackman(2002), Blee(2005), and Feagin (2006) for this thesis, I conceptualize racial violence as physical violence, written violence, and/or spoken violence, including being called “nigger,” “boy,” and “uncle.” The racial violence can be individual or collective which, intentionally or unintentionally, inflicts or threatens to inflict physical, psychological, social, or material injury on African Americans who often resist. In addition, the racial violence can occur in any public or private geographical location including, the street, workplace, and home. Lastly, an individual does not have to witness or personally experience the racial violence to be psychologically injured or affected by it. During legal segregation the respondents faced actual everyday racial violence or the threat of racial violence in the form of lynchings, sexual abuse, house burnings, imprisonment, rape, and being incessantly called “nigger.” I argue that the psychological traumatic experiences of fear, anxiety, stress, anguish, humiliation, stigmatization and shame can affect a person’s life for a very long time. Every one of these injuries is apparent in the interviews with elderly African Americans who survived legal segregation. Thus, I suggest the important idea of a “segregation stress syndrome,” for the chronic, enduring, extremely painful responses to official segregation that are indicated by the respondents.

No description available.

<p>Regulation of web bots is an analysis of the interest and a collection of discussions about the phenomena web bots. The section that contains the result from the interviews brings up the question about ethical and legal actions and the opposite to those. How the regulation could work is also discussed in the section with the results from the interviews. The discussions were produced by people whose background in one case or another can relate to the phenomena web bots. In that way this study was limited to few, but more profound interviews which would enable analyses of web bots existence. Sources that have been used are earlier research like scientific theses, articles from web places and books that brings up and discuss the technique. The result shows us that the interest of regulation exist with the persons who got interviewed. The view on the phenomena has been that web bots are considered to be tools in an information society. One form of regulation which is pointed out in the result section is informed consent. It implies that users will be informed and give their consent on whether they want to interact with web bots on the specific site the user visits.</p>

<p>Våldtäkt är ett ständigt aktuellt ämne samtidigt men även ett som man gärna undviker att tala om det. Sverige är det land som har värst statistik när det gäller våldtäktsbrottet, vilket kan bero på flera olika anledningar som dock inte kommer att undersökas närmare i uppsatsen.</p><p>De flesta våldtäkterna sker inom hemmets väggar, därför förefaller det uppseendeväckande att de inomäktenskapliga våldtäkterna kriminaliserades i Sverige så sent som på 1960 talet.</p><p>Uppsatsen tar upp hur resonemangen kring genus, manligt, kvinnligt och rättsligt gick när sexualbrottskommittén, lagrådet och dess remissinstanser samt första och andra riksdagskammaren utredde den eventuella kriminaliseringen.</p><p>Uppsatsen förhåller sig till genusteori, kriminologisk historia över de inomäktenskapliga våldtäktsbrotten samt andra teorier som kan förklara företeelsen. </p><p>Resultaten visar ett allmänt motstånd mot att kriminalisera de inomäktenskapliga våldtäkterna i de flesta instanserna. Det mest frekvent förekommande argumentet är att ett dylikt brott har svårt att komma till samhällets kännedom samt att det är svårt att bevisa. En låg tilltro förärades det kvinnliga könet då man menade att de skulle utnyttja lagen till sin egen fördel i skilsmässoprocesser eller vid illegitimt abortbehov.  </p><p>Ett visst resonemang kring könens olikhet och samhällelig förändring kan skönjas hos en av källorna. Idéer som kan tänkas ligga bakom förändringen och motarbeta de gamla föreställningarna framkommer även hos vissa. Kvinnans sexuella frihet började diskuteras av en del organ.</p><p>Uppsatsen öppnar dörrar för ytterligare forskning då man kan undersöka vilken genomslagskraft 1962 års brottsbalk fick när det gäller inomäktenskaplig våldtäkt och våldtäkt överhuvudtaget eftersom en del trodde att våldtäktsbegreppet skulle förlora sin slagkraft om man inkluderade de inomäktenskapliga våldtäkterna.    </p>

Thesis (MTech (Human Resource Management))--Peninsula Technikon, 2003. / Word processed copy. Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 117-122). Also available online.

This project examines the articulation and application of colonial law in the French colony of Martinique during the eighteenth century through the work of a legal commentator and colonial magistrate, Pierre Dessalles. His compilation of Martinican laws reveals how local elites applied laws usually promulgated in France. His reliance on European political theorists illustrates the dissemination of legal knowledge across the Atlantic, while his comments and explanation of colonial law in light of Martinique’s history anchor this discussion in a local history. Thus, from Dessalles’ creole, local elite perspective, historians can perceive both the operation and ideology behind Martinican law because this document explicitly presented law (as prescription) and legalities (as practice) together. / text