by Lee Yuek Yu, Clara, Pong Mei Wah, Debbie. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1989. / Bibliography: leaf 40.

by Chan Asmi Kan Yee. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1989. / Bibliography: leaves 73-[76]

Summary in Chinese. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Bibliography: leaves 96-97.

by Chan Tai Fan. / Thesis (Master of Commerce)--Chinese University of Hong Kong.

Summary in Chinese. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Bibliography: leaves 81.

Chu Hei-keung. / Summary in Chinese. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong. / Bibliography: leaves 72-74.

This thesis is concerned with whether international law is capable of evolving to adequately address the adverse impact of international trade practices on the billions of people living in poverty in the world today. To this end, it explores international law’s capacity to integrate ethical obligations into international trade through the hypothetical construction of an ‘international obligation to trade fairly’. Obligations of fairness in international law are defined as necessitating the construction of an obligation to not restrict processes of democracy and distributive justice between individuals and the state. The application of this obligation on international trade is considered necessary in light of global economic interdependence, which has diminished the capacity of the state. An examination of the extent to which such a norm already exists is undertaken before considering the internal and external limitations to the universalization of such a norm. The central obstacles concerning the proposed obligation are identified as relating to the subject of the obligation and the normative force of the obligation. It is argued that due to the ideology and, inter-relatedly, the structure of international law, these obstacles cannot be readily overcome without radical reform.

by Wong Chun-Ming. / Thesis (M.B.A.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 52-53). / ABSTRACT --- p.i / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.ii / CHAPTER / INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Scope of study --- p.2 / Research Objectives --- p.3 / Methodology --- p.4 / LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.6 / MACRO-ENVIRONMENT --- p.10 / DISTRIBUTION SYSTEMS IN CHINA --- p.14 / TRADITIONAL DISTRIBUTION SYSTEM IN CHINA --- p.14 / The Pre-reform Structure: - The Three Tier system --- p.14 / Reform of Distribution System --- p.15 / The Reform of Wholesale System --- p.15 / Phase I: Abolition of State Monopoly --- p.15 / Phase II: Reforms in Pricing and Distribution --- p.16 / Phase III: Multi-ownership Type --- p.15 / The Reform of Retail System --- p.19 / Recent Development in Retail System --- p.20 / Problems of Traditional Distribution System --- p.22 / NEWLY DEVELOPED DISTRIBUTION CHANNELS --- p.25 / Direct Outlets --- p.25 / Direct Marketing in China --- p.25 / Foreign Agents Operating in China --- p.26 / SELECTION OF A DISTRIBUTOR --- p.27 / Types of Distributors in China --- p.27 / Where to Find a Distributor --- p.29 / Evaluating Potential Distributors --- p.30 / CASE STUDIES --- p.33 / Tobacco Manufacturer --- p.33 / Beverage Manufacturer --- p.37 / Watches Manufacturer --- p.40 / THE EXPERIENCE OF CASE STUDIES --- p.44 / CONCLUSIONS --- p.49 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.52

To counteract the colonial division of labour and equalise trade relations across the global North and South, Global Value Chains (GVC) analysts have advocated value chain upgrade. Such upgrade would entail a much-needed financial improvement for Southern producers. Rather than turning to governments and IGOs, GVC analysts have generally addressed their policy suggestions to firms directly. There is an idea that firms can actively disentangle and disrupt prevalent hierarchies in their own activities. This thesis looks closer at prefigurative politics as a political strategy and asks: are prefigurative upgrade projects a successful tool for equalising trade relations across colonial divides? Can individual firms disentangle colonial inequalities in trade? As marxists and decolonial theorists have argued, global trade inequalities are about more than money: economic relations are inherently political. The 'value' in Global Value Chains should be understood not only as return on investment or profit, but also as something broader, a question of what makes a good life and a balanced division of work in society. GVC analysis has hitherto paid insufficient attention to these insights. As a remedy this thesis proposes the addition of a new concept to the GVC toolbox, voice' upgrade', i.e. an improvement of the ability of all actors in the chain to speak and listen about the political questions of value. Two case studies are used to ground the discussion: firstly, the trading of coffee from the Zapatistas in Mexico to Café Libertad in Germany. Secondly, the export of spice blends and sauces from the Western Cape of South Africa via the firm Turqle. These prefigurative projects both subvert and reproduce prevailing hierarchies. Importantly, while the former is possible,it requires deliberate facilitation.

本研究运用地方政治经济特征来解释商业协会与威权国家关系的分化,以及商业协会之间的系统差异，主张在地方政治经济结构中理解商业协会的角色及其之于威权政体的意义。本研究说明了在转型中国商业协会政治角色的新经验进展，探讨了社会利益能够成功地以制度化的方式输入威权政体的条件。 / 在国家一面，本项研究说明了支撑地方威权国家维持支配的制度基础。激励地方政府开拓财源的财政制度和刺激官僚追求政绩的晋升制度，促使地方政府及其组成部门利用商业协会来提供必要的财政补给、提供公共品和帮助政府执行治理职能。在社会一面，中国的地方政治经济发展模式并非消弭而是加深了私营企业主之间的利益分化，破坏了商业协会的同质性基础。大型私企、中小型私企、个体与地方政府的互动模式具有本质差别，形成了分化的利益诉求。但是当前的商业协会体系并不能处理这种分化了的社会利益诉求，试图将它们都聚集到同一个结社中，既破坏了结社的内部凝聚力，也阻碍了制度化利益传输的可能。 / 商业协会与威权国家的关系取决于政府渗透与结社凝聚力两大条件的交互作用。本研究将当下商业协会与威权国家的关系概括为四种类型：“合作型，“对抗型，“支配型和“庇护型。不同类型协会表达利益诉求的能力不同，“合作型与“对抗型都可以曲折的方式实现利益中介，但它们都还不是制度化的利益中介过程。通过“去政治化的政治整合过程，当前中国的商业协会对威权政体的政治稳定起到了正面作用。基于上述分析，合理的推论是：若地方政治经济特征存在系统差异，则商业协会的整体状况也应存在系统差异。本研究所建立的关于商业协会政治影响力的Logistic回归模型说明，商业协会的层级越高，组织凝聚力越高，与政府的“合作型关系越强，其被政府咨询以及实际影响政策的可能性也越高。在中国，在更高的政府层级上商业协会具有更可见的政治影响力。 / This research reveals how the differentiated relation between business associations and authoritarian state and the systematic organizational variations are configurated by local political economy, and argues the political significance of business associations in authoritarian state should be located in the specific political economic structure. This research displays recent development of business associations' political role in transitional China, and identify the conditions that facilitate organizational social interest pursuits to be successfully inputted into authoritarian state. / On the one hand, this research discusses the institutional bases which motivate the local authoritarian state to maintain continuing domination over society. Both the fiscal institution driving local state to expand revenue incomes and the bureaucratic promotion institution driving officials to accumulate political achievements motivate the local government to achieve following benefits from penetrating and dominating business associations: extract money from society, provide public goods, and facilitate the governance functions. On the other hand, the specific developmental pattern of local market economy actually has deepened the fragmentations among emerging private entrepreneurs instead of remedying them, which further discourage the associational cohesion of business associations. The big, middle, and small private entrepreneurs are characterized by essentially different interactions with the local government and diversified interest pursuits. However, the current associational arrangements forcing these interest pursuits into one single association do harm to the formation of organizational cohesion and the possibility of successful interest intermediation. / This research regards the relations between business associations and authoritarian state as the result of interactions between the governmental penetration and the associational cohesion. Four types can be identified from the empirical cases studies, the corporatist type, the oppositional type, the dominated type, and the clientelistic type. Both the corporatist type and oppositional type can transfer collective interest pursuits into the polity through their leverages on the governments' benefits. However, whichever type do not embody themselves as stable institutional arrangements, but as the contingent negotiations on practical interests. Through the process of depoliticized political integration, contemporary business associations in China contribute to the stability of the authoritarian regime. / After clarifying the mechanism how local political economy configurates the characteristics of business associations, one reasonable hypothesis should be that business associations' characteristics should vary with the local political economy's characteristics. Considering the hierarchical governmental structure's prominent role in shaping politics, this research then concerns its influence on the political performance of business associations. Based on Logistic regression models, this research identifies the determinants contributing to business associations' political influence in contemporary China. The statistical model reveals following patterns: (1) business associations from the higher level get more political opportunities than those from the lower level; (2) business associations from the higher level are more likely influential on policy decisions than those from lower level. These variations indicate that in the national politics the business associations in contemporary China exert most significant institutional political influence. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 纪莺莺. / "2013年7月". / "2013 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2013. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 141-149). / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Ji Yingying. / 中文摘要 --- p.i / 英文摘要 --- p.ii / 全书结构 --- p.vi / Chapter 第一章 --- 导论 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 问题 --- p.2 / Chapter 二、 --- 翻转视角：以地方政治经济特征作为分析出发点 --- p.6 / Chapter 三、 --- 研究方法 --- p.12 / Chapter 四、 --- 研究概览 --- p.14 / Chapter 五、 --- 研究框架 --- p.15 / Chapter 第二章 --- 当代中国的商业协会：经验、理论与近期发展 --- p.16 / Chapter 一、 --- 当代中国的商业协会体系 --- p.16 / Chapter 二、 --- 公民社会视角中的商业协会 --- p.20 / Chapter 1、 --- “公民社会视角与问题意识 --- p.21 / Chapter 2、 --- 1990年代的经验研究 --- p.22 / Chapter 3、 --- 经验研究的近期发展 --- p.24 / Chapter 三、 --- 法团主义及其批评 --- p.28 / Chapter 1、 --- 法团主义的涵义 --- p.28 / Chapter 2、 --- 经验研究的证据 --- p.30 / Chapter 3、 --- 经验研究的挑战 --- p.32 / Chapter 四、 --- 既有研究的缺陷 --- p.34 / Chapter 1、 --- 单一维度自主性的“陷阱 --- p.34 / Chapter 2、 --- 缺乏对分化经验现象的解释 --- p.36 / Chapter 3、 --- 缺乏对组织内部特征的分析 --- p.37 / Chapter 五、 --- 近期发展：增长 --- p.37 / Chapter 1、 --- 商业协会的增长模式 --- p.38 / Chapter 2、 --- 结构自主性的分化 --- p.41 / Chapter 3、 --- 功能自主性的分化 --- p.43 / Chapter 4、 --- 讨论 --- p.47 / Chapter 第三章 --- 威权国家支配的制度基础 --- p.48 / Chapter 一、 --- 问题 --- p.48 / Chapter 二、 --- A市素描：国家主导下的市场化转型 --- p.50 / Chapter 三、 --- A市社会组织的近期发展 --- p.53 / Chapter 四、 --- 制度视角：地方政府的制度约束 --- p.57 / Chapter 1、 --- 目标：“追求发展与“维持稳定 --- p.58 / Chapter 2、 --- 财政限制 --- p.59 / Chapter 3、 --- 官僚晋升制度 --- p.60 / Chapter 五、 --- 碎片化地方政府的持续支配 --- p.62 / Chapter 1、 --- 财政补给 --- p.64 / Chapter 2、 --- “政绩与“公共品 --- p.66 / Chapter 3、 --- 有利于政府部门的管理职能 --- p.67 / Chapter 六、 --- 反思国家的角色 --- p.68 / Chapter 第四章 --- 结社的社会基础：内部分化与组织原则 --- p.70 / Chapter 一、 --- 问题：被忽略的结社内部 --- p.70 / Chapter 二、 --- 商业协会的社会基础 --- p.72 / Chapter 1、 --- 分化的私营经济 --- p.73 / Chapter 2、 --- 主导的分化维度：企业规模 --- p.75 / Chapter 三、 --- 商业协会的内部分化 --- p.78 / Chapter 1、 --- 工商联：大型企业与中小企业的分化策略 --- p.78 / Chapter 2、 --- 个民协会的双重组织逻辑 --- p.81 / Chapter 四、 --- “理事会支配：谁是结社里的积极分子？ --- p.85 / Chapter 1、 --- 谁成为“理事 --- p.86 / Chapter 2、 --- 商业协会里的“党支部：政治整合的强指标 --- p.88 / Chapter 五、 --- 讨论 --- p.89 / Chapter 1、 --- “去政治化的政治整合 --- p.90 / Chapter 2、 --- “关系与公民社会：促进或是阻碍？ --- p.91 / Chapter 第五章 --- 国家与社会之间：商业协会的类型学分析 --- p.92 / Chapter 一、 --- 新的分析框架 --- p.92 / Chapter 二、 --- “合作型：微型“卡特尔--文化娱乐行业协会 --- p.94 / Chapter 三、 --- “对抗型：维权者--代理商联合会 --- p.98 / Chapter 四、 --- “支配型：出租车行业协会 --- p.103 / Chapter 五、 --- “庇护型：水产协会 --- p.107 / Chapter 六、 --- 商业协会的行动策略及其政治后果 --- p.108 / Chapter 七、 --- 假设 --- p.110 / Chapter 第六章 --- 商业协会的层级分化 --- p.111 / Chapter 一、 --- 问题 --- p.111 / Chapter 二、 --- 文献回顾 --- p.112 / Chapter 1、 --- 为何讨论“层级差异 --- p.112 / Chapter 2、 --- 既有答案：可能的机制 --- p.115 / Chapter 3、 --- 重构既有研究 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 个案研究 --- p.117 / Chapter 1、 --- 两个工商联：政治经济特征的差异与后果 --- p.117 / Chapter 2、 --- 一个化工企业的游说策略 --- p.125 / Chapter 3、 --- 研究假设 --- p.127 / Chapter 四、 --- 统计检验 --- p.128 / Chapter 1、 --- 变量说明 --- p.128 / Chapter 2、 --- 回归结果 --- p.130 / Chapter 五、 --- 总结：“法团主义何以可能？ --- p.132 / Chapter 第七章 --- 结论 --- p.133 / Chapter 一、 --- 理论适用性的再评估 --- p.135 / Chapter 二、 --- “去政治化的政治整合 ：理解威权政体的稳定性 --- p.137 / Chapter 三、 --- 有关改革 --- p.139 / 参考文献 --- p.141 / Chapter 后记： --- 关于研究的“研究 --- p.150