This study offers a glimpse into how the transatlantic relationship between the European Union (the EU) and the United States of America (the U.S.) has developed during the last three presidential administrations, including the Trump administration. To do this, the study has developed a frame- work on transatlantic convergence, divergence, and drift, which it uses to analyses similarities and differences within the different parties’ discourses on the Iranian nuclear weapons program. The study concludes that while there has been some divergence with all three U.S administrations, how- ever there has been far more convergence with the Bush and Obama administration than with the Trump administration. Moreover, this study argues that Trump administration represents in some ways a ’transatlantic drift’, since the parties have opposing views on the Iran deal (JCPOA) and cherish widely different fundamental security values.

Flight across the North Atlantic is a routine process now, with thousands of flights carrying millions of passengers between Europe and North America every year quickly, safely, and affordably. By some measures it remains the busiest international flight corridor in the world and the most profitable for airlines. Yet there were no planes capable of making the flight a mere century ago. Aviation underwent a period of rapid development and expansion during the twentieth century that transformed the North Atlantic from a barrier into a central corridor in the global air network. This dissertation examines the development of civil aviation on the North Atlantic from 1919 to 1970, focusing on political, economic, and technological factors. Transatlantic flight was a focus of aviation but the earliest planes lacked the range needed to make the crossing. Technological improvements let pioneering aviators cross the ocean by 1919, proving that it was possible though difficult without further advances. Infrastructure also needed to be further developed since the North Atlantic was a hostile environment, with bad weather and limited facilities for aircraft in emergencies. Until 1945, the governments of the North Atlantic region thoroughly explored, studied, and built the infrastructure to make regular transatlantic possible. Postwar, governments supported their airlines through further infrastructural improvements, subsidies, by funding aeronautics, and by complex negotiations with foreign countries to open the skies to passenger travel. By 1970, transatlantic flight was a routine endeavour enjoyed by the masses and supported by systems invisible to the average traveler.

This master thesis is focused on the Transtlantic Trade and Investment Partnership and its possible impact on the EU and the US. The aim is to examine the economic and geopolitical implications that could come out of this deal. Closer look on this issue should bring a complex overview on the most discussed trade agreement in international relationship in the 21st century. Comparative approach will be used for detail analysis. Thesis deals with the comparison with current state of bilateral trade between EU and US. In more details TTIP negotiations are being described in this thesis as well its basic concept, advantages and disadvantages for both parties and impacts on Europe and US markets.

<p>This dissertation argues that the boundaries between capitalism and criminality have become increasingly blurred over the past two centuries, and it traces this development through the Victorian era into American modernity. Operating on the premise that popular literature reflects wide-spread concerns and anxieties of a common audience, each chapter focuses on one primary text as a cite for analysis through which we gain a window of insight into the popular perception of criminals and the role of criminality in developing capitalism. In an attempt to provide relevant context and establish a solid foundation on which to work, the dissertation begins with an introduction that outlines major developments in the British literary field, with a particular eye toward bourgeoning popular mediums, beginning in the eighteenth century and leading into the Victorian era. This foundational work establishes urban compression and rapid industrial development as major concerns for a Victorian audience and figures them as the backdrop on which the discourse of criminality will play itself out.</p> <p>The first half of the dissertation focuses on the Victorian era, whereas the latter half analyzes works of American literature in the early-twentieth century. Chapter one looks to <i>Oliver Twist</i> as the preeminent example of Victorian criminality, with particular emphasis on middle-class complicity in reinforcing the social structures and environmental determinism that Dickens identified as major causes of Victorian crime. Chapter two progresses to the late-Victorian era and discusses Anthony Trollope’s <i>The Way We Live Now</i>. Doing so allows approaching Victorian criminality from the opposite vantage point, seeing the advent of white-collar crime and fraud as now more significant than the formerly dominant concern of petty crimes as seen in <i>Oliver Twist</i>. These early chapters mark a progression of criminality that gradually enmeshes itself in the habits of ambitious capitalists, which I argue is paramount to the construction of the discourse of criminality and capitalism. Rather than isolated incidents, I forward these texts as representative of thematic shifts in the literary field and public consciousness.</p> <p>Such a progression is carried over into American modernism, which constitutes the focus of chapters three and four. In chapter three, systemic violence inherent in laissez-faire capitalism and cronyism become the focus of the discussion, as presented in Upton Sinclair’s <i>The Jungle</i>. This chapter presents Sinclair’s didacticism as a necessary and significant progression in popular social-critique literature, and it contends that the gradual shift away from the personalized narrative of Jurgis to the heightened awareness of his political awakening marks an important development that figures criminality as not only part of, but indeed integral to, capitalism and its smooth functioning. This is contrasted with chapter four which presents <i>The Great Gatsby</i> as a misinterpretation of the lessons presented in <i>The Jungle</i> and reverts back to individualism as a flawed solution to capitalism’s ills. Whereas <i>The Jungle</i> was critiqued based on socialist didacticism and so-called lack of artistry, <i>The Great Gatsby </i>experienced immense success for its artistry, despite the fact that it falls back into the trap of individualism, romanticizing the criminal and capitalistic success of its protagonist while ultimately slating him for sacrifice to reinforce the status quo.</p> <p>These four chapters, I argue, constitute four major stages in progression of the discourse on criminality and capitalism, but leave many questions still unanswered, particularly as regards how society should appropriately and adequately engage the issues contained within these texts. An epilogue is included at the end of this project as an attempt to look forward to expansion of this research and continue to trace this progression up to present-day texts of popular culture. In doing so, my research will engage the development of the criminally-capitalist antihero in popular culture and argue that such figures are representative of the crisis of contemporary capitalism that sees no legitimate (nor illegitimate) ways of succeeding in capitalism.</p>

The aim of this thesis it to offer a complex overview of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP). This international agreement is being negotiated between the United States and the European Union. The main goal of this agreement is to create the largest free trade area to date. I wish to claim that the TTIP does not merely concern trade, but there is a clear geopolitical underlining for it too. When the communist world collapsed, the United States became the sole remaining superpower. Nowadays, the West is facing a different world that fosters new challenges as well as opportunities. The rise of China and Russia puts pressure on the West again. The TTIP seeks to reflect new challenges in world politics. A successful agreement would clearly demonstrate that countries across the Atlantic are still the closest partners. In this thesis I aim to find a causal link between this agreement and the current situation ushering in a shifting balance of power in world politics. I intend to employ two main branches of theories of international relations to verify my hypotheses. The first theory, realism, is equipped to answer questions about power and national interests. The second branch of theories, liberalism, is well applicable so as to indicate different actors and their participation in...

My dissertation analyzes the Spanish Nobel Laureate poet’s transatlantic path and his relationship to Spain, the United States and Puerto Rico as expressed in his archival practices from 1916 (his first trip to the U.S.) until his death in 1958. Jiménez went into permanent exile in 1936, when he and his wife Zenobia Camprubí fled from the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). During the war and subsequent dictatorship of Francisco Franco, Jiménez would live in Cuba, Coral Gables, Baltimore and Washington before settling in Puerto Rico in 1951. In Madrid, supporters of Franco broke into his residence and ransacked his papers, books and personal items ––his carefully-kept life's work–– which would take many years to recover only partially. Jiménez never returned to Spain. He died in Puerto Rico in 1958, not only writing new poems but rewriting, recreating and “reliving” his poems and prose, labors for which he had always depended upon his personal archive. Before his death, Jiménez destined his Nobel Prize earnings to the institutionalization of his archive (Sala Zenobia-Juan Ramón Jiménez, University of Puerto Rico) and to a museum (Casa-Museo Zenobia/Juan Ramón Jiménez) located in his childhood home in the Andalusian town of Moguer. The dissertation presents Jiménez as a steward of memory across borders and studies how the partial recovery of his papers and the establishment of his Sala in the University of Puerto Rico —one of the very first examples of the acquisition of a major writer’s papers in the U.S. or Puerto Rico— coincides with the formation of a national, cultural narrative and with archival practices heavily dependent upon a shifting national conception of Puerto Rican identity. Jiménez was attempting to reconstruct and preserve his work on an island still struggling to establish national, educational, cultural and archival institutions and to recover from the dispersal of its historical documents throughout Europe and in Washington, D.C. My dissertation examines Jiménez’s archive in the context of Puerto Rico's loss and repossession of its colonial archive and modernization of its own archival practices.

The EDC was a failed attempt at European integration in military and defense. This thesis intends to examine how and why the EDC failed and what it means for today. This thesis aims to understand what are the implications for the EDC's failure in the EU's efforts to gain strategic autonomy. This issue is important to many with interests in the European region. The failure of the EDC will be analyzed as a case study utilizing the theoretical framework of Neoclassical Realism. Constraints include language, lack of government transparency, and inherent limitations of case study research. This thesis will outline different theories and why Neoclassical Realism is chosen to evaluate the EDC; then it will examine the EDC during its negotiation and writing; then it will analyze the case from the perspective of each of the EDC participants, and then it will describe the implications of the EDC for the present situation. This thesis will examine the EDC from a theoretical standpoint. Because the EDC is a unique case of failed European integration, a broader International Relations theory will be used in this thesis. There are a number of theories regarding European integration and broader theories on International Relations. This thesis will examine the EDC from the Neoclassical Realist perspective. The Pleven Plan was to allow for the rearmament of Germany under conditions acceptable to France. The Plan was to solve the German rearmament dilemma. Proponents had to deal with nationalists who resisted relinquishing control of armed forces while also nurturing the European idea that called for more integration. The Treaty of Paris was signed in 1952; the US and UK both called for its quick ratification. There were concerns among the treaty's signatories. Germany worried about a return of its army, its defense, and its acceptance in the West. Italy was concerned about integration, maintaining internal stability, and helping its economy. The smaller countries of the Benelux were in favor of the EDC to maximize their influence. France would struggle over ratification. Pierre Mendès-France had to deal with external pressure to get the EDC Treaty passed, and internal pressure to push for better terms. Gaullists were adamantly against the EDC. The French attempted to renegotiate the treaty to no avail. The National Assembly eventually voted against the EDC and the treaty failed ratification. The case of the EDC has implications for EU strategic autonomy. Russia presents a legitimate threat to the West. Globalization, technology, and non-traditional threats affect the security environment. The US is realigning its strategy to focus more on China, while Brexit removes the UK military assets from the EU. Finally, France has been driven to more seriously consider European strategic autonomy and a European Army after the AUKUS controversy. There are still obstacles to European defense. Strategic culture is a problem in Europe, especially in Germany. Nationalism and Euroscepticism continue to hinder further integration. The Europeans still rely heavily on US military might. EU efforts at strategic autonomy also cause consternation in NATO over redundancy. Finally, the EDC is an example of European integration taken too far, and a warning as to how difficult the EDU will be to achieve. The theoretical evaluation of the EDC reveals outcomes as expected in the theory. Each country calculated relative material power gain from the EDC, except France, which changed its calculation based on changes to the original Pleven Plan and popular pressure shaping leaders' perceptions. If there is going to be military integration and strategic autonomy in the EU, it will require a change in the strategic culture in Germany, so that the German military might be built up to ease the doubts of Eastern European EU members over the capability of such a European Army to supplant the US military in defense of the continent. / Master of Arts / The EDC was a failed attempt at unifying all European military forces into one. This paper wants to know the meaning of the EDC's failure for the EU's efforts to become an independent strategic actor; meaning, able to determine its own strategy. The thesis will look at the EDC's failure as a case study, using the theory of Neoclassical Realism. Neoclassical Realism is a theory in international relations that examines factors both inside and outside each nation that determine the outcomes of the interactions between those nations. The difficulties in doing this study include language barriers, government secrecy, and the fact that case studies are not perfect examples to stand in for other situations. This thesis will look at different theories and why Neoclassical Realism is best; then it will look at the EDC's history, and then it will talk about the impact of the EDC's failure for today. The Pleven Plan was a French proposal for the rearmament of Germany, with many limitations. The Plan tried to solve the problem of German rearmament: they wanted to re-arm Germany to defend against the Soviet Union, but they did not want Germany to turn around and threaten them. The Treaty of the EDC was signed in 1952; the US and UK both wanted quick approval. There were concerns among the nations that signed the treaty. Germany worried about a return of its military and being accepted in the West. Italy was concerned about integration, the stability of its country, and helping its economy. The smaller countries of Belgium, the Netherlands, and Luxembourg wanted the EDC to grow their influence. France would struggle over ratification; they tried to change the treaty, but it did not work. The National Assembly, the chief French law-making body, voted against the EDC and the treaty was canceled. The case of the EDC says a lot about the EU's attempt to gain the freedom to come up with its own strategy. Russia is a threat to the West. The modern-day environment makes international threats unique. The US is changing its strategy to focus more on China, while Brexit—the United Kingdom's decision to leave the EU—removes the UK military from the EU. Finally, France was offended from the AUKUS controversy, which involved a canceled submarine contract with Australia. They are seriously thinking about unifying the EU military and making it more independent on strategy. There are still challenges to European defense. A pacifist culture is a problem in Europe, especially in Germany. A basic opposition to the EU continues to slow down integration. Europeans still rely a lot on the US military. EU efforts to gain independence in strategy also worries NATO, as it is seen as doing the job that NATO should be doing. Finally, the EDC is a sign of how hard it will be to start the EDU. This look at the EDC shows results that are expected according to the theory. Each country figured out the level of power, compared to other countries, that each got from the EDC. France changed its mind because the original Pleven Plan was changed. If there is going to be a unification of European militaries and independence for strategy in the EU, it needs to change the peace-centered culture in Germany, so that the German military might be built up to convince Eastern European nations on the seriousness of a European Army to replace the US military in defending the continent.

Blackwood's Edinburgh Magazine was arguably the most important and widely published literary magazine of the nineteenth century. Its readership extended from Britain to America, shaping literary tastes across the Anglophone literary marketplace. BEM wrote two reviews of Nathaniel Hawthorne's fiction during the author's most prolific years. The first was published in 1847 and contained a lengthy reflection of the state of American literature that prefaced its review of Mosses from an Old ManseM. In 1855, BEM reviewed Hawthorne's novels. The language of these reviews encouraged BEM's transatlantic readership to interpret Hawthorne in a very particular light: a dark, intense, and deeply psychological Hawthorne. In other words, BEM promoted a version of Hawthorne that would ultimately stick and become the standard Hawthorne adopted by twentieth-century historians of the "American Renaissance." I argue that BEM's reviews reveal a relationship with American literature predisposed to appreciate a dark, symbolic, gothic literature, and that Hawthorne, like Irving before him, succeeded in becoming one of the greatest writers of mid-nineteenth-century American literature because he was able to appeal to and please a transatlantic, and particularly a British, audience. By transcending geographic boundaries, at least in BEM's reviews, Hawthorne was ironically identified as an iconic "American" writer.

Blackwoods Edinburgh Magazine was arguably the most important and widely published literary magazine of the nineteenth century. Its readership extended from Britain to America, shaping literary tastes across the Anglophone literary marketplace. BEM wrote two reviews of Nathaniel Hawthornes fiction during the authors most prolific years. The first was published in 1847 and contained a lengthy reflection of the state of American literature that prefaced its review of Mosses from an Old Manse. In 1855, BEM reviewed Hawthornes novels. The language of these reviews encouraged BEMs transatlantic readership to interpret Hawthorne in a very particular light: a dark, intense, and deeply psychological Hawthorne. In other words, BEM promoted a version of Hawthorne that would ultimately stick and become the standard Hawthorne adopted by twentieth-century historians of the œAmerican Renaissance. I argue that BEMs reviews reveal a relationship with American literature predisposed to appreciate a dark, symbolic, gothic literature, and that Hawthorne, like Irving before him, succeeded in becoming one of the greatest writers of mid-nineteenth-century American literature because he was able to appeal to and please a transatlantic, and particularly a British, audience. By transcending geographic boundaries, at least in BEMs reviews, Hawthorne was ironically identified as an iconic œAmerican writer.

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