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In this dissertation, I investigate two key questions: 1) What are the specific conditions under which economic inequality undermines democratic legitimacy; and 2) How does inequality map onto individuals’ perceptions of fairness and subsequently affect satisfaction with democracy and trust in political institutions? I first argue that individuals’ perceptions of distributive unfairness are key factors whereby economic inequality undermines democratic legitimacy. Inequality - and subsequent perceptions that the economic distribution is unfair - undermine political support by signaling that the democratic process is not functioning properly and by challenging people’s normative expectations about what democracy should do in practice. I next draw from a diverse literature on social and political psychology, as well as governance quality, to derive new hypotheses about how people form their fairness judgments and use them to evaluate democracy. Right-leaning and upper-class individuals should be less upset with inequality in the first place, but even when these individuals perceive distributive unfairness, they should be less likely to express political dissatisfaction as a result. Additionally, the context in which individuals form their fairness perceptions should condition the relationship between fairness judgments and political support. In a context of good governance, individuals should be less likely to perceive inequality as unfair, and subsequently less likely to express political dissatisfaction for any perceived distributive unfairness in society. Governance quality provides alternative evidence that democracy is in fact functioning properly and should allay citizens’ concerns about inequality and distributive unfairness, at least when it comes to evaluating democratic legitimacy. To test my theory and hypotheses, I take a mixed-methods approach that combines large-N analysis of public opinion data and original survey experiments. To contextualize my quantitative results, I draw on motivating examples from original open-ended surveys, newspapers, and elite interviews. In the first empirical chapter, I conduct a multilevel analysis of data from 18 Latin American and show that perceptions of distributive unfairness are negatively correlated with trust in government and satisfaction with democracy, yet good governance significantly mitigates this negative relationship. In the second empirical chapter, I use original survey experiments in Argentina, Mexico, and the US to show that perceptions of distributive unfairness are key causal factors linking inequality to political dissatisfaction. In the third empirical chapter, I use a second set of survey experiments to investigate how governance quality moderates the relationship between inequality and political support. When individuals are presented with information about declining corruption, they are less likely to perceive their country’s income distribution as unfair, and less likely to link inequality to political dissatisfaction.

Traditional models of tax evasion cannot explain why most people comply with their taxes. It has been proposed that taxpayers may have an intrinsic motivation (or willingness) to comply with taxes - Tax Morale. Empirical studies found that trusting government, upholding religious beliefs, and supporting democratic regimes, increase individual Tax Morale. Based on those results and drawing from related literature in Political Science, this study tests the role of trusting government institutions delivering public goods to taxpayers, ideological beliefs, individual support for political regimes, and upholding post-materialist values, on Tax Morale. Results for individuals living in democratic countries show a positive relationship between trust in government institutions and upholding democratic values on Tax Morale; a negative relationship between upholding ideological (conservative) beliefs and Tax Morale, and no relationship between upholding post-materialist values and Tax Morale. Results for individuals living under non-democratic regimes differ in some respects; whereas support for democracy is related with higher Tax Morale, other results - trust in government and ideological beliefs - differ from theoretical expectations. Overall, higher trust in government increases willingness to comply with taxes, and support for democracy elicits higher Tax Morale.

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Statlig övervakning är en åtgärd som bl.a. kan användas för att förebygga brottslighet. Befolkningens attityder till övervakning påverkar acceptansen för åtgärden och kan skiljas åtberoende på flera faktorer. En ofta förbisedd faktor, konformitet, kan ha en inverkan på individens attityder till övervakning. Trots att människor i hög grad värnar om sin integritet, kan människor avstå från att skydda den. Det är därför av intresse att öka förståelsen bakom attityderna och acceptansen för övervakning. Syftet med denna studie var att utforska sambandet mellan konformitet och individens attityder till statlig övervakning i Sverige. Vidare har denna studie undersökt om attityder och konformitet korrelerar med kön, invånarantal i deltagarens hemstad, utbildningsnivå och medvetenhet om statlig övervakning. Genom validerade frågeformulär sammanställdes en enkät där 184 deltagare (102 män; 82 kvinnor) besvarade frågor som mätte konformitet och attityder till övervakning. Den starkaste signifikanta korrelationen som hittades var mellan konformitet och positiva attityder. Vidare korrelerade konformitet signifikant även med kön samt medvetenhet om övervakning. Invånarantalet i deltagarens hemort korrelerade signifikant med positiva- likväl negativa attityder till övervakning. Studiens implikationer och begränsningar har diskuterats. / Government surveillance is a measure that can be used for crime prevention, among other purposes. Public attitudes towards surveillance influence the acceptability of the measure and may differ depending on several factors. One widely overlooked factor, conformity, can have an impact on individuals' attitudes towards surveillance. Although people are highly protective of their privacy, they may refrain from protecting it. It is thus of interest to better understand the attitudes and acceptance of surveillance. The purpose of this study was to explore the relationship between conformity and individual attitudes towards state surveillance in Sweden. Additionally, this study examined whether attitudes and conformity correlate with gender, the population of the participant's hometown, education level, and awareness of state surveillance. Using validated questionnaires, a survey was compiled in which 184 participants (102 men; 82 women) answered questions measuring conformity and attitudes towards surveillance. The strongest significant correlation found was between conformity and positive attitudes. Furthermore, conformity also significantly correlated with gender and awareness of surveillance. The population size of the participant's hometown correlated significantly with both positive and negative attitudes towards surveillance. The implications and limitations of this study have been discussed.

People in society with high levels of generalized social trust and political trust are more likely to engage in civic activism and participation. Therefore, people involved in social and political groups will likely have higher levels of generalized social and political trust than the general public. What lacks in this realm of scholarship is a solid comparison of trust among people involved in social and political groups. This case-study analysis of generalized social trust and political trust among social and political groups shows the trust that is not only generated within each group, but also which types of groups are more effective at developing citizens that participate in society. Using a researcher-designed survey instrument, two social groups and two political groups have been evaluated and compared to demonstrate members' propensity to trust others in society and those in political office at all levels of government. Sample size is 115 respondents. Among other demographic data analyzed and compared to a larger population data set in the World Values Survey, six hypotheses have been tested. Typical analysis shows demographic data or group membership as the independent variable with trust values acting as the dependent variable. Graphic and cross-tabular data show that social groups recorded higher levels of political trust than political groups. This is probably due to the ideological leanings of the political groups. Political groups showed higher levels of generalized social trust than social groups. Political group members probably feel that their actions are benefiting the greater good. Additionally, participation variables showed that not only are political group members more interested in politics than social group members, but they also have higher levels of registering to vote and to participate in the voting process. They are probably seeking to make significant change in the political system through their actions. The research conducted does not seek to provide a comprehensive analysis of trust among members of social and political groups. However, it is intended to promote the analysis of trust among people in society that have a predisposition to trust as they have shown through the act of participating in a social or political group. As foci for the development of trust, analysis of social and political groups provides a shortcut for scholars interested in the development and proliferation of trust in society. This research provides analysis of four case-study groups at one point in time. Further research using larger sample sizes and time-series analysis could advance trust analysis among social and political groups.

This dissertation addresses research questions related to defining a smart city and the associated activities. The general research question is explored in the dissertation via the conduct of three related studies. The finding from these three investigations are presented in the results section as 3 essays that collectively examine the smart city phenomena as it has emerged within the City. Essay 1 assesses building municipal open data capability. The study proposed an Opendata Roadmap Framework to enhance the organization's dynamic capability. The results provide a valuable practical framework to help cities develop open data capability. The results also provide a comparative study or benchmark for similar initiatives with other regional cities and within the nation. Essay 2 measures the residents' understanding and beliefs about smart cities. This portion of the research used a qualitative method that included interviewing residents and city officials to understand their definition of a smart city and what they believe makes a city smart. The interviews focused on understanding resident engagement because it is an important characteristic of a smart city. The gap between the city officials and residents understanding was examined. In addition, the interviews help identify essential factors associated with smart cities like trust in government, perceived security, perceived privacy, trust in technology, and perceived monetary value. Essay 3 examines the acceptance of smart city technologies and factors that affect the adoption of such technologies. This essay uses the insights from the other two essays to propose a smart city Unified Theory of Acceptance and Use of Technology (UTAUT) extension labelled Smart City UTAUT (SC-UTAUT). The new proposed model was tested using a survey method. The 1,786 valid responses were used to test the proposed structural equation model using Smart PLS. Results show a significant relationship between trust in technology, trust in government, perceived monetary value, effort expectancy, self-efficacy, and behavioral intention. The dissertation concludes with a summary of how the three essays make a cumulative contribution to the literature as well as providing practical guidance for becoming a smart city.

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La confiance envers le gouvernement est une notion fréquemment évoquée dans le discours public et dans la littérature, mais il s’agit d’une notion imprécise, malgré des innovations depuis sa première spécification par David Easton en tant que support systémique. Cette revue de littérature propose de faire le point sur la question de la confiance envers les gouvernements démocratiques. Je définis d’abord la confiance envers le gouvernement comme un concept relationnel et relativement stable dans le temps. Ce mémoire se penche sur 26 facteurs qui sont liés à la confiance envers le gouvernement dans trois grandes catégories : les caractéristiques individuelles, étatiques et sociales. Je démontre que les explications culturelles de la confiance sont nettement supérieures aux explications économiques, et ce à toutes les échelles. Cependant, les jeunes démocraties présentent un profil un peu différent des démocraties plus anciennes : l’économie y joue un rôle un peu plus important. / Trust in government is a hotly debated topic in public discourse as well as the scientific literature. It is, however, an unclear notion, although a few theoretical innovations have helped refine the concept since its inception as system support by David Easton. This literature review examines current trends in study of trust in democratic governments. I define trust in government as a relational concept that is relatively stable through time. This thesis identifies 26 factors that are linked to trust in government in three categories: individual, state and social characteristics. I demonstrate that cultural explanations better explain variations in trust in government than economic approaches at all scales. However, young democracies have a different profile, in which economic approaches have a slightly bigger role.