The evolution of welfare feeding in the United Kingdom is investigated within the framework of the development of the Welfare State. Welfare feeding, including the nutritional role of meals, is then evaluated looking at two examples of welfare provision, feeding in schools as an example of provision for the young and meals-on-wheels as an example of provision for the elderly. The nutritional role of both school meals and meals-on-wheels are considered in the light of nutritional requirements, contemporary dietary views and the feeding behaviour of the young and elderly. Whilst research suggests that school meals make a more significant contribution to the diet than alternative sources of lunch there is evidence that the nutritional value of both school meals and meals-on-wheels are variable and that in some cases they have not provided expected levels of nutrients. There are thus clear requirements for some form of nutritional standards for both school meals and meals-on-wheels. The uptake of school meals is a function of pupils perceptions of lunchtime feeding. An attitude based approach using a Likert Scale was developed to identify what children perceive as important in the school feeding environment. A core group of problem areas were identified as relevant for all groups of pupils and more specific factors were identified for each sub-group. It was established that the attitude measurement tool was appropriate in the prediction of feeding behaviour. The transportation of meals was investigated in terms of the requirements of the meals-on-wheels service. Alternative delivery systems were evaluated and those most appropriate to the meals-on-wheels service were identified. Insulated systems are appropriate for deliveries of up to 90 minutes whilst the best of the heated delivery systems are appropriate for up to 3.5 hours.

This research follows work conducted by the Education team at the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations at the University of Warwick into the development and implementation of Local Education Authority (L. E. A. ) policies on Multicutural and Anti-Racist Education. It consists of a detailed ethnographic case study of a multi-ethnic, inner-city comprehensive school which espoused a commitment to Multicultural and Anti- Racist Education, and concentrates on the school's efforts to put this commitment into practice. Initially the study provides an elaboration of the values underpinning Multicultural and Anti-Racist Education, most notably equal opportunities and education for a non-racist society, and a discussion of the implication of these values for school practice. This discussion provides a model with which the practices in the case study school are compared. A number of theoretical questions concerning the extent to which within-school processes contribute to reproduction of the social characteristics of modern society are also introduced. A detailed decription of the social context, structure and organisation of the school is presented and then the study facusses on the development of L. E. A. and school policies on Multicultural and Anti-Racist Education, teachers' interpretations of and responses to these policies, and the practice of Multicultural and Anti- Racist Education in the school, The study also examines the processes of differentiation and how they affected ethnic minority students. Finally it examines the strategies which many teachers adopted in order to 'survive' as teachers in what was a 'difficult' inner city school and the implications of these strategies for the educational opportunities available to the students who attended the school. The overall argument presented is that the teachers in the school had gone a considerable way towards developing Multicultural and Anti-Racist Education especially in curriculum terms, and had succeeded in creating a non-racist environment within the school. The study found that there were few practices which restricted the chances of educational success of ethnic minority students within the school. However, teachers were forced to adopt 'survival strategies' in order to cope in the classroom and school with students who were sometimes hostile and frequently indifferent to their schooling, and thus the quality of educational provision offered to the students was reduced. Such student attitudes, it is suggested, were derived from wider youth, class and ethnic sub-cultures generated outside the school in part by the structural features of contemporary society. The study concludes with a discussion of the implications of the research findings for school and L. E. A. policies on Multicultural and Anti- Racist Education and makes suggestions for further research.

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An analysis of contemporary trends in the education of Muslim children in the U.K. indicates that in the 1960s and 1970s there was a strong emphasis on meeting the special needs of Muslim children, but these needs were neither defined by the Muslim community nor based on any framework of Islamic values. More recently, some education providers have sought to respond at least to some Muslim demands, and a notion of accountability to the Muslim community is developing in some quarters. Accountability, however, implies rights, and rights are usually understood from within a liberal framework of values. On a liberal view, the rights of Muslim parents to bring up their children in their own religion and the rights of the Muslim community to educate Muslim children in keeping with distinctive Islamic beliefs and values are constrained by the claim that the autonomy of the child must be vouchsafed in any form of educational provision. There is clearly a deep-seated clash of values between Islam and liberalism. From a sketch of fundamental Islamic values, an Islamic view of education may be developed which is in disagreement with liberal education particularly on three points: the need for critical openness, the need for personal and moral autonomy and the need to negotiate a set of agreed values if any common educational system is to be achieved. The search for sufficient common ground between liberals and Muslims is unsuccessful because Muslims insist on building their education around a set of religious beliefs which liberals believe schoolsh ave no businesst o reinforce, while liberals offend Islamic principles by insisting that religious beliefs, like all beliefs, must always be considered challengeable and revisable and should therefore be presented to children in a way which respects the ultimate freedom of individuals to make choices for themselves. The only way out of this impasse in practice is for liberals to back down from their insistence on a common education for all children, and to accept that Muslims should be allowed their own denominational schools. The danger that the Muslim community may become isolated and socially vulnerable may be reduced through increased co-operation with other faith communities, especially Christians. The dissertation thus consists of three intertwining strands: multi-culturalism in educational policy; applied social philosophy, especially relating to rights and liberal education; and Islamic theology. It begins with an examination of contemporary practice, moves to an analysis of the issues and principles underlying that practice, and then finally returns to practice with recommendations made in the light of the preceding discussion.

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No / This study examines the economic costs and benefits to the UK of a 50 per cent cut in UK defence exports from the average level of 1998 and 1999. The net impact on the government budget is estimated to he an ongoing loss of between around L40 million and L100 million a year: around 0.2-0.4 per cent of the total UK defence budget. In addition, there is estimated to be a one-off net adjustment cost, spread over five years, of between L0.9 billion and L1.4 billion. A further more speculative adjustment cost (estimated at around L1.1billion) could result if the loss of income associated with the `terms-of-trade' effect were also included. In terms of the wider debate about defence about defence exports, the results of this study suggest first that the economic effects of the reduction in defence exports are relatively small and largely one-off, and secondly that the balance of arguments about UK defence exports should be determined mainly by non-economic factors.

Yes

No / The UK government’s Equality Bill is rapidly changing the approach to equality in the workplace. This extends previous legislation which, in addition to requiring public authorities to promote equal opportunities, provides support for specific types of positive action. However, there continues to be a level of confusion, misinterpretation and sometimes suspicion of positive action. In general, this has resulted in an apparent reluctance to use positive action to promote representational diversity in the workplace. This is compounded by limited empirical evidence on its use. NHS Employers (the employers’ organisation for the National Health Service) in partnership with Bradford University Centre for Diversity and Inclusion collaborated on a project to establish where positive action is being used in the NHS and the key factors associated with its successful application. The work involved 20 NHS organisations in England and employed a mixed method of qualitative research including in-depth interviews, a mapping exercise and focus groups. This paper describes the methodology adopted in the study and some of the positive action initiatives employed. Key factors for making positive action a success are identified and recommendations are made which will have relevance for future policy direction.