LL.M. (International Law) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Unter anderem erfuhr W. A. Mozart, sowohl seine Person mit einer geheimnisvoll-spannenden Lebensgeschichte als auch sein reiches Schaffen, eine vielfältige, oft unerwartete und interessante Rezeption in fast allen Nationalkulturen und Epochen. Auch in den slawischen Ländern war seine Musik populär und fand großen Anklang. In der Ukraine, besonders in deren westlichen Gebieten, welche damals zu Österreich gehörten, in Galizien und der Bukowyna sowie auf hinterkarpatischem Boden, waren die Fachmusiker sowie breite Kreise der Intelligenz immer von der Musik Mozarts begeistert.

Mykola Lysenko, der Gründer der ukrainischen Komponistenschule, ist bis zum heutigen Tag in Europa fast unbekannt geblieben. Diese Tatsache hat vor allem geschichtlich-politische Gründe. Aus Anlass von Mykola Lysenkos 160. Geburtstag, der 2002 durch die ukrainische Musikgemeinschaft feierlich begangen worden ist, ist das Ziel meines Beitrags, seine Person im Hinblick auf sein kompositorisches Schaffen darzustellen.

This master's thesis examines the importance of the explosion incident at Nord Stream and Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine on Sweden’s security sectors. The critical energy project Nord Stream 1 and its expansion to Nord Stream 2 have created bipolar attitudes and debates in Sweden and the EU regarding the security implications of increased Russian power. The Ukraine war and the physical attack on the pipelines have only amplified security concerns in the international political arena. This thesis aims to provide a descriptive understanding of the explosion incident and Russia’s aggressive actions in Ukraine and their resulting impact on Sweden’s ability to establish a stable security strategy viewed by security sectors such as national-, environmental-, energy-, military-, economic-, human-, and societal-security. Additionally, this thesis also explores these issues from Sweden’s perspective with the use of classic international relations perspectives such as realism and liberalism. Results present that the security sector reports heightened tensions, with Russia potentially increasing military activities. New intensified threat perception for Sweden, negative environmental impacts, affecting on human health and security. Effects regarding energy security. New security threats for Russia's establishment within the European market, impact and effects on nations' identity and uncertainty about the new political situation, and increased insecurity for essential societal infrastructures.

L’objet de cette recherche est la situation des Tsiganes de Bessarabie sous trois administrations :tsariste (1812-1918), roumaine (1918-1940, 1941-1944) et soviétique (1940-1941, 1944-156). Au niveau macro, nous nous sommes intéressés plus principalement à la politique des « villages tsiganes » qui est selon nous la plus révélatrice d’une continuité entre les trois administrations. Au niveau micro, nous avons suivi le parcours de quelques villages du centre et du sud de la Bessarabie sous ces trois administrations. <p>En schématisant, on peut affirmer que le régime tsariste a appliqué en Bessarabie une politique de sédentarisation forcée par ségrégation. Nous l’illustrons par le cas des « villages tsiganes » de Kair et Faraonovka. L’administration roumaine pendant la dictature d’Antonescu a appliqué une politique de déportation en dehors des frontières historiques de la Roumanie, même si au départ il était question de créer des « villages tsiganes » dans la région de Baragan dans la partie sud-est du pays. Le régime soviétique a opté pour une politique de ségrégation forcée par assimilation.<p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This dissertation addresses organized crime in post-Soviet Eurasia (Georgia, Ukraine, Kyrgyzstan) exploring the nexus between politics, business and crime. Based on extensive field research in the three countries the dissertation examines organized crime groups in the region and describes their inter-relationships with political and business elites, then discusses the impact of the three countries’ Coloured Revolutions on crime and corruption. The impacts of the revolutions on organized crime are situated in several variables, among them political opposition to incumbent regimes; the strength of civil society and the role of organized crime groups during the revolutionary processes; personal morals of the leaders and their views on cooperation with organized crime; and the presence and nature of the “pact” between outgoing and incoming elites. The dissertation also takes into account larger explanatory variables, such as geography, natural resources, industry, and regional wars and documents their role in shaping organized crime. In accounting for the diverging patterns of the three countries in terms of post-revolutionary effects on crime and corruption, the role of the West, defined as a “push” factor for democratization, and the experience of earlier statehood are also considered. The interaction between elites and criminals is regarded as a crucial part of state formation, and is characterized by shifting dominance between the actors of the underworld and upperworld. The thesis identifies points of cooperation and conflict between licit and illicit actors, and provides insight into the collusive nature of criminal networks in the post-Soviet context, arguing that the distinction between licit and illicit is frequently blurred and the representatives of the upperworld are sometimes key participants in organized criminal activity.

With Romania's acceptance into NATO, the Republic of Moldova found itself at the frontier of the North-Atlantic Alliance. This thesis evaluates the impact of NATO and European Union enlargements on the resolution of the Transnistrian conflict in the eastern part of the Republic of Moldova. Theoretically, recent changes in the geo-political environment in Europe can bring a new impetus to the process of political settlement of the Transnistrian conflict. In the wake of these changes, Moldovan leadership is looking for new supporters to back Moldova in the stand-off against Russia on the Transnistrian issue. In this respect, NATO and the EU appear to be appropriate candidates. Either one of these two organizations, taken separately, possesses enough potential to create an asymmetry against Russia. Would these two institutions get more involved in the fate of this intra-state conflict? Possible courses of action of actors involved will be analyzed through the prisms of realism and liberal institutionalism theories of international relations. Rationale for further enlargement will be assessed against "soft power" resources, such as values, norms and knowledge, accumulated over the years and shared by member-states within both alliances.

Ukraine’s foreign policy has puzzled observers since the dissolution of the Soviet Union due to its unusual inconsistency. This inconsistency exhibited itself in contradictory decisions by the Ukrainian executive carried out within a short period of time, which signalled either greater cooperation with Russia and relative cooling of relations with the West, or integration into Western institutions and worsening of the relations with Moscow. This study aims to explain the inconsistency by examining the sources of Ukraine’s foreign policy through process-tracing in four policy cases: Ukraine’s renouncement of nuclear weapons (1991-1994), the status of the Black Sea Fleet (1991-1997), the Odesa-Brody pipeline (2002-2004), and the 2006-2009 gas disputes. Contrary to dominant interpretations of Ukraine’s foreign policy vacillation that emphasise the role of external influences, especially that of Russia and the West, this study concludes that Ukraine’s inconsistent foreign policy decisions are best explained by domestic factors – intra-executive divisions and the influence of vested interests on policy-making. The work relies on the use of primary sources including archival research, elite interviews, and Ukrainian and Russian newspaper reports.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

La Politique européenne de voisinage (PEV) a été conçue pour promouvoir la prospérité, la stabilité et la sécurité dans les régions voisines de l'UE. L'analyse de cette politique dans le cadre du développement des relations entre l'Ukraine et l'UE, ainsi que dans le contexte de l'évolution d'une dynamique intra-régionale du Partenariat oriental, a conduit à l'identification d'une série de lacunes de nature différente, concernant à la fois les failles institutionnelles de la PEV et les incertitudes pesant sur ses perspectives finales vis-à-vis de l'Ukraine. En outre, la PEV a montré la limite de ses capacités à faire face aux défis sécuritaires lors de la crise en Crimée. Elle a également démontré les limites de sa stratégie géopolitique dans le cadre des relations entre la Russie, l'Ukraine et l'UE, de même qu'elle a révélé son incapacité à prévenir les risques potentiels qu'entraînerait l'Accord d'association Ukraine-UE pour l'Ukraine. / The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was originally designed to promote prosperity, stability and security in the European Union's neighbouring regions. The analysis of this policy within the framework of the relations between Ukraine and the EU and in the context of the evolution of the intraregional dynamics of the Eastern Partnership and of the external policy of the Union did however reveal a number of inherent flaws. In addition to the policy's deficiencies relating to both institutional failings and to the uncertainty regarding the final perspective of this process for Ukraine, the ENP also turned out to be insufficient when faced with the security challenges of the Crimean Crisis. It has demonstrated its limitations concerning the EU's geopolitical strategy within the framework of the relations between Russia, Ukraine and the EU and was shown to be unable to prevent potential risks arising from the European Union's Association Agreement with Ukraine.